RENDAKU
See SEQUENTIAL VOICING.

REPETITIVE COORDINATOR
(Syntax) In Japanese, for example, coordination can be constructed with particles such as to 'and,' mo 'and,' and ka 'or'. Examples below consist of the coordinators and their repetitive coordinators, which are generally assumed to be similar to correlative coordinators such as both and either in English.

1.	2.	3.
A mo B mo	A to B to	A ka B ka
A CONJ B RC-mo	A CONJ B RC-to	A DISJ B RC-ka
'A and B'	'A and B'	'A or B'

REPORTATIVE EXCEPTIONALITY
(Grammar) The first part of the Baseline Conception of Evidentials leads us to expect that it should be infelicitous for a speaker to deny p immediately after uttering an evidential-marked sentence p_EVID. As first discussed in detail by Faller (2002) for Cuzco Quechua, this expectation is not upheld, an instance of what we will call Reportative Exceptionality (RE).

1. Cuzco Quechua (Faller 2002)
   a.
    

   Pay-kuna-s
   (s)he-PL-REP

   ñoqa-man-qa
   I-ILLA-TOP

   qulqi-ta
   money-ACC

   muntu-ntin-pi
   lot-INCL-LOC

   saqiy-wa-n
   leave-1O-3

     p = 'They leave me a lot of money'

     EVID = Speaker was told that p.
   b.
    

   mana-má
   not-IMPR

   riki
   right

   riku-sqa-yki
   see-PP-2

   ni
   not

   un
   one

   sol-ta
   sol-ACC

   centavo-ta-pis
   cent-ACC-ADD

   saqi-sha-wa-n-chu.
   leave-PROG-1O-3-NEG

     q = '(but) that's not true, as you have seen, they don't leave me one sol, not one cent.'

     EVID = Speaker has direct evidence that q.

REPORTIVE CONDITIONAL
(Grammar) The principal hypothesis we well defend is that the Reportive Conditional (RC) in French (1,4), Italian (2,5), and Spanish (3,6), whether simple (1-3) or compound (4-6), is a bicategorial grammatical marker that expresses zero modalization—the refusal of the speaker to epistemically endorse the cognitive content of his utterance—and a particular type of evidentiality: the borrowing of this content from others (reportive evidentiality). Zero modalization is brought about by "showing" hic et nunc the zero modus ('neither true nor false') in and through the utterance act:

1. Kadhafi serait malade avec besoin urgent de soins hors Libye. Manière de sortir en sauvant la face? Rumeur? (Twitter 2011)
   'Gaddafi is reportedly ill and in urgent need of care outside Libya. A way of leaving while saving face? Rumor?'
2. Il leader libico Muammar Gheddafi sarebbe malato (agenzianova.com 2011)
   'The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is reportedly ill'
3. Kadafi estaría enfermo y busca cobijo de Zuma / Estambul. El lider libio Muamar Kadafi está muy enfermo y pretende viajar a Sudáfrica para tratarse, según informó ayer el diario árabe "Al Sharq Al Awsat" (territoriodigital.com 2011)
   'Gaddafi is reportedly ill and seeking shelter with Zuma. Istanbul. The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is very ill and is trying to go to South Africa in order to get medical treatment, according to what the Arabic daily Al Sharq Al Awsat reported yesterday.'
4. Berlusconi aurait songé à éliminer Kadhafi (20minutes.com 2013)
   'Berlusconi is said to have considered eliminating Gaddafi.'
5. Silvio Berlusconi, nel 2011, avrebbe chiesto al capo dei servizi segreti Gianni De Dennaro di uccidere il Raìs Gheddafi. (today.it 2013)
   'Silvio Berlusconi had reportedly asked the head of the secret services Gianni De Gennaro in 2011 to kill the leader Gaddafi.'
6. Silvio Berlusconi, de 76 años, habría iniciado el año con una nueva conquista, una guapa actriz colombiana (LaVanguardia.com 2012)
   'Silvio Berlusconi, 76 years old, have-RC.3SG begun the year with a new conquest, a beautiful Colombian actress'

REPORTIVE CONSTRUCTION

1. (Grammar) Two Italian lexical epistemic and evidential constructions, si vede che (lit. 'one sees that') and dice che (lit. 'says that')—which because of the partial loss of their semantic and inflectional integrity can be considered partially grammaticalized (Pietrandrea 2005)—find a place within the system consistent with what happens for grammatical forms. So, while the construction expressing direct evidence, si vede che, can also be used with an epistemic meaning, the reportive construction, dice che, is purely evidential. The former construction, in fact, entails the expression of the degree of the speaker's commitment (as evidenced by the fact that it cannot be further epistemically qualified (see (1)), whereas the latter does not (as evidenced by the fact that it does allow further epistemical qualification (see (2)):
   1. * Si vede che era stanco, ma io non ci credo / e io ci credo
      'He was clearly tired, but I do not believe that / and I believe that'
   2. Dice che era stanco, ma io non ci credo / e io ci credo
      'He says he was tired, but I do not believe that / and I believe that'
    | Paolo Pietrandrea, 2007
2. (Grammar) Nantis (Arawak; Peru) make use of three distinct constructions in reporting others' or their own speech. These constructions include two quotative constructions and one reportive construction. Since usage of the terms quotative and reportive is somewhat inconsistent in the literature, for the purposes of this paper I define quotative constructions as reported speech constructions that provide information about the source of the reported speech but not the recipient of the report, while I identify reportive constructions as reported speech constructions that provide information about the recipient, but not the source. | Lev Michael, 2012

REPORTIVE EVIDENTIALITY
(Grammar) Marín-Arrese (2021) echoes Nuyts' (2017) argument that Direct and Reportive evidentiality are non-scalar, referring to the fact that they do not signal a high degree of confidence of the speaker regarding the evidence and, therefore, regarding the result of the inferential process triggered by the evidence. In this vein, direct evidential markers only indicate the mode of knowing and type of evidence (direct, sensory) (Nuyts, 2017: 69), and reportive evidential resources only signal that the speaker has accessed the information indirectly, through communication with others (Nuyts 2017). | Elena Domínguez Romero, 2022

REPORTIVE MARKER

1. (Grammar) In Nheengatú (Tupian; Amazonia) speakers frequently use a reportive marker (paá) to manage information, distinguishing what is hearsay from what is firsthand experience. The following example illustrates reportative marking in everyday conversation:
   1. I see Aldevan go fishing.
   2. Aldevan's aunt Marcilha arrives at the house and asks where he has gone.
   3. I say:
      u-sú
      3SG-go

      u-piniatika
      3SG-fish

      'He went fishing.'
   4. A friend comes to visit and asks Marcilha where Aldevan has gone.
   5. She says:
      u-sú
      3SG-go

      u-piniatika
      3SG-fish

      paá
      REP

      'He went fishing (they say / I was told)'
    Perhaps because attempting to translate paá into Portuguese commonly yields a speech verb like dizem or contam ('they say' or 'they tell'), some sources mistake the reportive for a verb. | Simeon Floyd, 2005
2. (Grammar) In Paraguayan Guaraní. The main reportive marker, -je, is a second-position morpheme. It often appears with the reportive demonstrative,aipo 'the reported [X]' / 'the so-called [X],' which functions in tandem with -je and other linguistic strategies to express reported speech. | Maura Velázquez-Castillo, 2017

REPORTIVE PASSIVE
(Grammar) In some languages, e.g. Danish and English, a different construction with a passivized verb is possible. In this construction the subject of the embedded verb becomes the subject of the passivized reportive verb. This "fused" reportive construction is called the reportive passive. Such a construction is impossible in German.
 The passive construction allows to report on a specific emotional attitude. By attributing an information to an external source, the speaker does not claim responsibility for the truth of the reported information, whether it is hoped or expected to come true:

1. Peter says that it is going to snow

2. It is said that it is going to snow

3. Alle
   everybody

   hævder,
   claims

   at
   that

   Obama
   Obama

   vinder
   wins

   valget
   the.election

   'Everybody is claiming that Obama is going to win the election'
4. Obama
   Obama

   hævd-es
   claim-PRS.PASS

   at
   to

   vinde
   win

   valget
   the.election

   'Obama is claimed to win the election'

REPORTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE
(Grammar) The RS clause is (in the same sentence or in the preceding context) the object of a verb of saying (claiming, asking, commanding), or it is understood as if it were.
 This subjunctive often occurs in clauses embedded under some verb of saying: a verbum dicendi, as in (1).

1. Er
   he

   behauptete,
   claimed

   dass
   that

   jemand
   somebody

   das
   the

   Auto
   car

   angefahren
   on-driven

   habe,
   have_PRESSUB

   ...
   

   'He claimed that somebody had driven into the car, ...'

2. Das
   the

   Gericht
   court

   bedauerte,
   regretted

   dass
   that

   es
   it

   nicht
   not

   ermächtigt
   empowered

   sei,
   be_PRESSUB

   ein
   a

   Berufsverbot
   profession.prohibition

   zu
   to

   verhängen.
   issue

   'The court regretted that it was "not empowered to issue a Berufsverbot".'

3. In
   in

   einem
   one

   Fall
   case

   bestritt
   denied

   der
   the

   Fahrer,
   driver

   dass
   that

   er
   he

   zu
   too

   wenig
   little

   aufmerksam
   mindful

   gewesen
   been

   sei
   be-_PRESSUB

   'In one case, the driver denied that he had been reckless.'

4. Rau
   Rau

   hatte
   had

   mit
   with

   Engholm
   Engholm

   gesprochen
   spoken

   und
   and

   ihm
   him

   geraten,
   advised

   im
   in

   Amt
   office

   zu
   to

   bleiben.
   stay

   ‘Rau had talked to Engholm and advised him to stay in office.’
   Doch
   though

   müsse
   must_PRESSUB

   er
   he

   selbst
   himself

   die
   the

   Entscheidung
   decision

   treffen.
   make

   'But he himself would have to make the decision.'

RESPONSE-STANCE VERB
(Semantics) Not all attitude verbs have a semantics on which their clausal complement is just predicated of the attitudinal object associated with the event argument of the verb. With one class of attitude verbs, the clausal complement in addition serves as a predicate of a contextually given attitudinal object, which gives further support for the semantics of attitude reports based on attitudinal objects. The class of verbs consists in what Cattell (1978) called response-stance verbs and includes repeat, confirm, agree, and remind, as in the sentences below:

1. John repeated that it will rain.
2. John confirmed that it was raining.
3. John agreed to surrender.
4. John reminded Mary to return the keys.

RESPONSIVE PREDICATE
(Syntax) A clause-embedding predicate like English know and guess that can take both declarative and interrogative clausal complements. The meanings of RPs when they take a declarative complement and when they take an interrogative complement are hypothesized to be constrained in systematic ways.
 Since Karttunen (1977), a major question for the semantics of question-embedding is the relationship between the interpretation of a given RP when it embeds a declarative complement (e.g., Jo knows that it is raining) and when it embeds an interrogative complement (e.g., Jo knows whether it is raining). | Mora Maldonado, Jennifer Culbertson, and Wataru Uegaki, 2022

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