b.
Ali
Ali
kitap
book
oku-du.
read-PST
'Ali read one or more books. / Ali did book-reading.'
Not: 'Ali read the book / the books.'
| Yağmur Sağ, Ömer Demirok, and Muhammet Bal,
2025
○ Hindi incorporated nominals are phrasal and enjoy a great deal of syntactic freedom. That is, Hindi exemplifies a very liberal kind of
pseudo-incorporation. | Veneeta Dayal,
2011
○ Defining a subset of NI constructions in semantic terms opens the door to the inclusion of constructions without the morphology of noun incorporation (NI), but with the same or similar semantics. Spanning the
gap between purely semantic and purely morphological definitions of NI, are cases falling under the
juxtaposition category of Mithun (
1984). These cases have recently been termed
pseudo-noun-incorporation (PNI)
(e.g. Massam
2001) or
discord or
semitransitive structures, as in Margetts (
2008) and Sugita (
1973), or
noun stripping (Miner
1986,
1989, Gerdts and Hukari
2008). In such cases, there is no true morphological incorporation, but there is a reduced or stripped nominal object phrase that forms a closer-than-usual relation with the verb. Recently discussed examples are found in Turkish (Öztürk
2004, Kamali unpublished), Hindi (Mohanan
1995, Dayal
1999, 2007/
2011), Hungarian (Koopman and Szabolsci
2000, Farkas and de Swart
2003) and in Oceanic languages (e.g. Fijian by Dixon
1988, Aranovich
2008, and Niuean and Tongan by Seiter 1980, Massam
2001, Asudeh and Ball
2005, Ball
2005). In Chung and Ladusaw (
2004), we see another situation intermediate between purely semantic and truly morphological definitions of NI in their account of Māori, where a morphologically special determiner is used, signaling that the object combines with the verb via Restrict, also operative in NI. | Diane Massam,
2009
PSEUDO NOUN INCORPORATION
- (Syntax-Semantics) Pseudo-noun incorporation (PNI) describes a phenomenon in which an argument forms a "closer than usual" relation with the verb. The syntactic consequence most often diagnosed is loss of case marking, potentially along with the lack of other functional material such as number marking and overtly expressed determiners. A correlating interpretive consequence is expressed by scope inertness. Both aspects are exemplarily shown for Hindi (Dayal 2011) in (1), where (1a) shows that objects can be optionally marked for case and (1b) illustrates the correlation of case loss and an obligatory narrow scope reading.
-
a.
Anu
Anu
bacca / bacce-ko
child / child-ACC
sambhaaltii
look.after.IMPF
hai
be.PRS
'Anu looks after (one or more) children / the child.'
b.
Anu
Anu
bacca
child
nahiiN
not
samhaalegii
look.after.FUT
¬∃, *∃¬
'Anu will not look after children.'
| Imke Driemel,
2023
- (Syntax-Semantics) Pseudo-incorporated arguments constitute hybrid categories; they are part nominal and part verbal. The two core properties of pseudo-noun incorporation—lack of case marking and restriction to low scope—as well as the additional observations with respect to movement can be traced back to its verbal nature. The properties PNI-ed arguments share with proper arguments reflect the nominal status, that is they check a c-selectional feature of the verb, they are assigned a θ-role. They can also appear with adjectival modification, which is one of the key characteristics that separates pseudo-noun incorporation from proper noun incorporation (Massam 2001). | Imke Driemel, 2020
- (Examples)
○ Niuean Pseudo Noun Incorporation (Massam 2001)
a.
[ Takafaga
hunt
tk ]
tūmau
always
nī
EMPH
e
ERG
ia
he
[ e
ABS
tau
PL
ika ]k
fish
'He is always fishing.'
b.
[ Takafaga
hunt
ika ]
fish
tūmau
always
nī
EMPH
a
ABS
ia
he
'He is always fishing.'
| Lisa Travis, 2025
○ The phenomenon of so-called
Pseudo Noun Incorporation (PNI) provides an interesting challenge to our theories of the relationship between syntax and semantics. First, these constructions seem to have a special semantics, in which the erstwhile object of the verb is interpreted as a predicate, rather than an argument, with consequences for its scope relative to verb phrase operators, among other things (see especially Dayal
2011). These constructions also seem to have a special syntax, at least in some languages, in that the object must be strictly adjacent to the verb in the surface syntactic structure and is not marked for accusative case the way that other objects are (see especially Massam
2001). | Mark C. Baker,
2014
PSEUDO-PASSIVE
(Grammar) Or, prepositional passive. In English, the "pseudo-passive" is a verb construction that has a passive form but either an active meaning or no grammatically active equivalent.
"It has been well recognized in the literature that not all pseudo-passive sentences are acceptable." (Kuno and Takami 2004)
Linguist Otto Jespersen observed that the pseudo-passive construction developed during the period of Middle English, after the merging of the accusative case and the dative case.
- The high-priced concert-and-dinner tickets were selling well, but seats in the house were selling slowly. (Rena Fruchter, Dudley Moore: An Intimate Portrait. Ebury Press, 2005)
- Gita felt that she no longer existed except as a sodden, aching huddle under the rock, waiting to be rained on, a creature utterly isolated from the rest of the human race. (Terry Morris, "The Life-Giving Power of Love." Good Housekeeping, December 1969)
- I came to the station meaning to tell you everything then. But we had started with a lie, and I got frightened. (E.M. Forster, Where Angels Fear to Tread, 1905)
- Juliet's bed was empty, too, though it had been slept in. (Linda Winstead Jones, The Sun Witch. Berkley Sensation, 2004)
| Richard Nordquist, 2020
PSEUDO-SLUICING
- (Syntax)
- Sluicing
John saw someone, but I don't know [whoi [John saw ti]].
John will buy something; but I don't know what.
- Pseudo-sluicing
John saw someone, but I don't know [who it is].
John will buy something; but I don't know what it is.
| Audrey Li and Tingchi Wei, 2023
- (Syntax) Sentence (1) is an example of the Japanese pseudo-sluicing construction. Japanese "pseudo-sluicing" is apparently very similar to the English sluicing exemplified in (2).
Taro-ga
Taro-NOM
nanika-o
something-ACC
kat-ta
buy-PAST
ga,
but
watasi-wa
I-TOP
nani
what
ka
Q
sira-nai.
know-NOT
'Taro bought something, but I don’t know what.'
- Taro bought something, but I don't know what.
Taro bought something, but I don't know [CP whati C0 [IP Taro bought ti ]].
| Chizuru Nakao, 2005
- (Syntax) One proposal in analyzing elliptical structures considers the source of the ellipsis not to consist necessarily of full sentential material, but rather to have the structure of a cleft whose pivot is an extracted wh-phrase, as in (1). This type of ellipsis I will call "pseudosluicing", as it gives rise to structures seemingly indistinguishable from sluicing as in (2).
- Pseudosluicing
I don't know who [it was __ (that Abby saw) ].
- Sluicing
I don't know who [Abby saw {someone / __} ].
| Jason Merchant, 1998
PSEUDOGAPPING
- (Syntax) A somewhat odd instance of ellipsis in which a lexical verb under an auxiliary is deleted, leaving behind its own complement(s). There are clear family resemblances between pseudogapping on the one hand and Gapping and VP ellipsis on the other:
- Pseudogapping
Mary hasn't dated Bill, but she has Ø Harry.
- Gapping
Smoke bothers Fred, and loud music, Ø Fred's parents.
- VP ellipsis
Smoke might have bothered Fred, but it didn't Ø.
In both pseudogapping and Gapping, the lexical verb is missing, leaving behind some (or all) of its complements as remnants, but in pseudogapping, an auxiliary in the ellipsed clause must be present (just like in VP ellipsis), whereas in Gapping no auxiliary is found. Gapping is moreover different from the other two in that it is restricted to coordination
environments, as seen in (4a) vs (4b).
- a. I'll contact John if you will (Mary).
b. * I'll contact John if you Mary.
| Yusuke Kubota and Robert Levine, 2016
- (Syntax) The ellipsis phenomenon in (1) displays some properties of gapping (there is a right side remnant) along some properties of VP ellipsis (there is a finite auxiliary):
- John will select me, and Bill will you.
Sag (1976) presents a number of instances, suggesting that they relate to VP deletion, and tentatively concluding that VP deletion must therefore be formulated as a rule deleting a variable (rather than specifically a VP), since a portion of the VP survives the deletion. The following are all from Sag (1976), with (4) and (5) cited from Halliday and Hasan (1973):
- John could pull you out of a plane, like he did ∅ his brother.
- Mary hasn't dated Bill, but she has ∅ Harry.
- Is she suing the hospital? She is ∅ the doctor.
- Has he sold his collection yet? He has ∅ some of his paintings; I'm not sure about the rest.
- Gee, I've never seen you on campus before. Yea! Neither have I ∅ you.
Levin (1978, 1979/1986) provides an extensive examination of this type of ellipsis and employs the name it is now standardly associated with: pseudogapping. Among her many example are the following, all from Levin (1978) and all marked "?" by her:
- If you don't believe me, you will ∅ the weatherman.
- I rolled up a newspaper, and Lynn did ∅ a magazine.
- Kathy likes astronomy, but she doesn't ∅ meteorology.
By and large, the best instances of pseudogapping involve an NP or PP remnant. Levin (1978) cites the following unacceptable example with adjectival remnants:
- * You just probably feel relieved, but I do ∅ jubilant.
- * Rona sounded annoyed, and Sue did ∅ frustrated.
- A: These leeks taste terrible.
B: * Your steak will ∅ better.
| Howard Lasnik, 1999
- (Syntax) The English ellipsis construction known as pseudogapping is shown in the second conjunct of (1), in which a VP-like string is deleted (by a deletion rule
similar to VP-ellipsis) to the exclusion of one other focused VP-contained constituent, called the remnant. In (1), the remnant is beer, and the second clause is interpreted as 'Mary will bring beer to the party.'
- John will bring wine to the party, and Mary will beer.
| Gary Thoms, 2016
s - (Syntax) Gapping elides a finite verb in the non-initial conjunct of a coordinate structure while VP ellipsis deletes a whole VP after an auxiliary. Unlike these two, pseudogapping elides most of the VP except one remnant. Pseudogapping additionally differs from gapping and VP ellipsis, in that it involves ellipsis of part of a non-finite VP. | Jong-Bok Kim and Jeffrey T. Runner, 2022
- (Examples)
○ Pseudogapping
- Speaker A: Drinks like that knock me over.
Speaker B: They would me.
- He asked curiously, "Which of all those sculptures in the book was the hardest for you to make?"
"The most difficult was the gypsy's crystal ball."
It surprised him, as it did most people.
| Kirsten Gengel, 2007
○ Compare:
- a. Pseudogapping
That may not bother you, but it does me.
b. Gapping
Smoke bothers Fred, and loud music Fred's parents.
c. VP Ellipsis
Smoke might have bothered Fred, but it didn't.
| Jack Hoeksema, 2006
See Also GAPPING.
PSEUDOPARTITIVE
- (Grammar) Partitives are defined as constructions that may express the proportional relation of a subset to a superset (the true-partitive relation). On the functional side, partitives may have functions in the following domains in addition to the true-partitive relation: plain quantification (pseudo-partitives), hypothetical events, predicate negation and aspectuality. | Ilja A. Seržant, 2021
- (Grammar) Bi-nominal constructions exemplified in (1-2) are often referred to as partitives, but many researchers further differentiate between proper partitives (1) and pseudo-partitives (2) (see Selkirk 1977, Jackendoff 1977, Deevy 1999, Koptjevaskaja-Tamm 2001, Stickney 2004, a.o.).
- a. a bottle of this vodka
b. a glass of my favorite juice
c. a pile of Caesar's toys
- a. a bottle of vodka
b. a glass of juice
c. a pile of toys
Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2001) defines pseudo-partitives as expressions referring to an amount/quantity of some (indefinite) substance rather than to a part/subset of a (definite) superset, as is the case for proper partitives. She lists various semantic classes of nouns which may act as the first element of the pseudo-partitive construction (N1):
- Conventionalized measures: a litre of milk, a kilo of apples.
- Abstract quantity nouns: a large amount of apples.
- Containers: a cup of tea, a pail of apples.
- Fractions/parts: a slice of bread, a quarter of an hour, a large section of students.
- Quantums (for mass nouns): a lump of sugar, a drop of milk.
- Collections (for count nouns): a group of students, a herd of sheep.
- Forms (both for mass and count nouns): a pile of sand/bricks, a bouquet of roses.
Distinctions between partitives and pseudo-partitives are observed in many natural languages. | Paweł Rutkowski, 2007
- (Grammar) Nominal expressions such as those illustrated in (1), known as pseudopartitives, have been discussed in relation to the literature on partitivity (Jackendoff 1977, Selkirk 1977, Corver 1998, Alexiadou et al. 2007, Stavrou 2003, Stickney 2007, a.o.). However, pseudopartitives differ from partitives in that the former correspond to "expressions referring to an amount/quantity of some (indefinite) substance rather than to a part/subset of a (definite) superset, as is the case for proper partitives” (Rutkowsky 2007).
- French
a. un verre d'eau
'a glass of water'
Italian
b. una bottiglia di vino
'a bottle of wine'
Notice, furthermore, that in pseudopartitives the lexical item preceding de is not a quantifier determiner but a measure/classifier noun, and the complement of de is not a definite but an indefinite expression. In fact, that is one of the main properties that has been claimed to distinguish true partitives (2a)–(3a) from pseudopartitives (2b)–(3b).
- Spanish
a. un kilo de aquellas manzanas
'a kilogram of those apples'
b. un kilo de manzanas
'a kilogram of apples'
- French
a. un verre de cette biere
'a glass of this beer'
b. un verre de biere
'a glass of beer'
| M.Teresa Espinal and Sonia Cyrino, 2022
- (Examples)
○ Measured ACC-ing gerunds pattern like pseudopartitives (1), merely picking out some quantity of a substance or event, while measured POSS-ing gerunds pattern with partitives (2), necessarily denoting a strict subpart of a larger whole.
- a. Pseudopartitive
Nick put two cups of cherries into the pie.
b. Partitive
Nick put two cups of the cherries into the pie.
| Aidan Katson, 2025
○ One particular dialect of Germanic, Viennese German, uses number morphology to distinguish between two different readings of numeral pseudo-partitives (NUM-N1-(of)-
N2, e.g., English three glasses of water), the container reading (in which N1 is referential) and the quantity reading (in which N1 is non-referential). | Laura Grestenberger, 2015
PSEUDOWORD
- (Morphology; Psycholinguistics) A letter string that resembles a real word by adhering to phonotactic and orthotactic rules. E.g., fambo follows the rules of English phonology and orthography, but it does not have an actual meaning.
Pseudowords have been used in research to isolate specific features of words to examine the cognitive mechanisms underlying various aspects of their processing, including orthographic, phonological decoding, lexical-semantic, and syntactic components, as well as to the way those empirical observations have shaped theories and models of word recognition. Broader applications include studying non-alphabetic scripts, speech processing, and language disorders like dyslexia. Research using pseudowords offers critical insights into the interconnected nature of cognitive mechanisms in language processing. | Celia Martínez-Tomás, Ana Baciero, Miguel Lázaro, and José A. Hinojosa, 2025
- (Morphology; Psycholinguistics) Pseudowords are stimuli created from letters that look like words but are not words. They differ from nonwords, which are also stimuli created from letters but do not look like words (cnlme is an example of a nonword in English). For a long time, pseudowords have been generated by changing one or more letters of an existing word (e.g., cleam created from clean in Davis and Lupker 2006). Pseudowords are intensively used in psycholinguistics research. They are essential in a task widely used in that field, namely the lexical decision task, where participants have to decide as quickly as possible whether the stimulus presented on the screen is a word. To cause participants to access their mental lexicon, it is essential that the pseudowords respect the phonotactic rules of the language; in other words, that they are potential words. | Boris New, Jessica Bourgin, Julien Barra, and Christophe Pallier, 2024
- (Morphology) Here, we define a pseudoword as a phonotactically licit phone sequence that could form a word in a language but happens not to (such as blick in English), while nonword is used to mean a phone sequence that could not form a word in a language (such
as bnick in English). | Matthew C. Kelley and Benjamin V. Tucker, 2022
- (Examples)
○ Words (e.g., table), pseudowords (e.g., toble), and illegal nonwords (e.g., tpbfe). | Jonathan Grainger, Sébastien Bouttevin, Cathy Truc, Mireille Bastien, and Johannes Ziegler, 2003
○ In most brain regions, we found that pseudowords, which have unfamiliar phonological associations and no associated semantic association, produce greater activation than words. | C.J. Price, R.J.S. Wise, and R.S.J. Frackowiak, 1996
○ Most researchers have assumed that
readers make direct use of spelling-sound rules when
faced with pronounceable nonwords, or pseudowords. | Mary Beth Rosson, 1983
See Also NONCE WORD; WORDHOOD.
PSI (Greek letter ψ)
(Phonology) Symbol for a vocalic mora. | ?
PSYCH-PREDICATE
- (Syntax; Semantics) We take the position that a psych-predicate describes an event or eventuality such that it has the beginning, duration, end and result of a psychological state involved. It is argued that there must be distinctions between emotional verbs, sensory/perceptual verbs, and cognitive verbs, on one hand, and between those verbs and psych-verbs turned accomplishment verbs, on the other. Thus, it takes issue with van Voorst (1992) for failing to recognize those distinctions and treating all of them uniformly as achievement verbs. Emotion verbs, with no telic end-points in aspect, behave more like states (with the flavor of process/activity). Psychological achievements are "resultatives", as states implying previous "mental" events. Particularly in Korean, the sense of state continuation is becoming stronger even in the case of psychological achievements (cognition), not only emotions / sensations. | Chungmin Lee, 1999
- (Example)
○ In nominative object constructions (NOC), e.g. (1a), two NPs are selected by an experiencer psych predicate. The subject (NP1) can be followed by various markers, including a nominative marker, a dative marker, or a combination of two case markers. On the other hand, the object (NP2) is marked with a nominative marker. This distinguishes NOCs from sentences where the object (NP2) is marked with an accusative marker, as shown in (1b).
- Korean: nominative object and accusative object
a. Nominative object constructions (NOCs)
Mary-{ka/eykey(-ka)}
Mary-{NOM / DAT(-NOM)}
John-i
John-NOM
coh-(a ci)-ass-ta.
like-(become)-PST-DECL
'Mary liked (comes to like) John.'
b. Accusative object constructions (Non-NOCs)
Mary-ka
Mary-NOM
John-ul
John-ACC
coh-*(a ha)-yess-ta.
like-*(do)-PST-DECL
'Mary liked John.'
| Juyeon Cho, 2024
PSYCH VERB
- (Syntax; Semantics) Any verb that carries psychological entailments with respect to one of its arguments (the experiencer). A psychological entailment involves an individual being in a certain mental state (Landau 2010). | Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng and Rint Sybesma, 2015
- (Examples)
○ Psych-verbs exhibit a fairly large variation in argument structure patterns, as the
following examples from German show. Many of these verbs allow alternations between stimuli and experiencers in subject position (1a vs. 1b), between nominal and clausal realizations of arguments (1a vs. 1c, 1b vs. 1d), between inanimate and agent-like animate stimuli (1a vs. 1e), between simple stimuli and "split-stimuli" that are spread out over two constituents, a subject NP and a PP (1a vs. 1f), and between explicit and implicit argument realization (1b vs. 1g).
-
a.
Rebeccas
Rebecca's
bösartige
malicious
Bemerkung
remark.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
Jamaal.
Jamaal.ACC
'Rebecca's malicious remark angered Jamaal.'
b.
Jamaal
Jamaal.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
sich
RFL
über
over
Rebeccas
Rebecca's
bösartige
malicious
Bemerkung.
remark.ACC
'Jamaal was / became angry about Rebecca's malicious remark.'
c.
Dass
that
Rebecca
Rebecca
so
such
eine
a
bösartige
malicious
Bemerkung
remark
gemacht
made
hatte,
had,
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
Jamaal.
Jamaal.ACC
'That Rebecca had made such a malicious remark angered Jamaal.'
d.
Jamaal
Jamaal.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
sich
RFL
(dar-über),
there-over
dass
that
Rebecca
Rebecca
so
such
eine
a
bösartige
malicious
Bemerkung
remark
gemacht
made
hatte.
had
'Jamaal was / became angry that Rebecca had made such a malicious remark.'
e.
Rebecca
Rebecca.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
Jamaal.
Jamaal.ACC
'Rebecca angered Jamaal.'
f.
Rebecca
Rebecca.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
Jamaal
Jamaal.ACC
mit
with
ihrer
her
bösartigen
malicious
Bemerkung.
remark
'Rebecca angered Jamaal with her malicious remark.'
g.
Jamaal
Jamaal.NOM
ärgerte
anger.3SG.PST
sich.
RFL
'Jamaal was / became angry.'
| Stefan Engelberg,
2018
○
Psych verb constructions show peculiar properties. They appear to project the same θ-relations into inverse configurations (
John fears sharks / Sharks frighten John). Furthermore, Experiencer Object
psych verb constructions admit backward binding in apparent violation of familiar c-command conditions (
Pictures of himself anger John). | Candice Chi-Hang Cheung and Richard K. Larson,
2014
○ Belleti and Rizzi (
1988) identify three "primitive lexical classes" that are manifested in
Psych verbs in Italian and elsewhere. Each of the verb classes has a distinct syntax and a particular theta grid.
- Subject is Experiencer
Gianni teme questo.
'Gianni fears this'
- Object is Experiencer
Questo preoccupa Gianni
This worries Gianni
- Dative is Experiencer
A Gianni piace questo
to Gianni pleases this
| Eloise Jelinek and Maryann Willie,
1996
PURPOSE CLAUSE
(Syntax) Expresses the purpose or intended use of a particular object which the main clause is in some sense "about". It is attached as a daughter of VP and is fixed in VP final position. It has the following variants, distinguished trivially by the position of the gap [which is represented by e]:
- I bought the shelfi [ei to hold my cookbooks]
- I bought the cookiesi [for Mary to eat ei]
- I bought the cushioni [for Mary to sit on ei]
The sentences in (1)-(3) demonstrate that PC has one obligatory gap, which can occur in any of its NP argument positions: subject position, as in (1); direct object position, as in (2); or prepositional object position, as in (3). The gap is coreferential with ("controIled by") the direct object of an SVO main clause, or with the subject of a passive or unaccusative main clause. This pattern of antecedents has been variously characterized as deep structure (direct) objects (Huettner 1987; implicitly in Rappaport and Levin 1986); as arguments bearing the thematic role of Theme (Faraci 1974, Williams 1980); or as entities whose availability for further manipulation plays a part in the semantics of the sentence (Jones 1985). | Alison K. Huettner, Marie M. Vaughan, and David D. McDonald, 1987
See Also RATIONALE CLAUSE.
Page Last Modified October 17, 2026