Sank's Glossary of Linguistics 
Phr-Pn

PHRASAL MOVEMENT

  1. (Syntax) There are many types of phrasal movement across languages, with a variety of effects and functions. The pairs in (1)-(4) illustrate some of the ways in which noun phrases can be displaced in English.

    1. Raising
      a. It seems that the world is round.
      b. The worldi seems i to be round.
    2. Passivization
      a. Someone broke the lamp.
      b. The lampi was broken i.
    3.  Wh-movement
      a. I thought that you had read those books.
      b. Which booksi did I think that you had read i?
    4. Topicalization
      a. I have never seen these people before.
      b. These peoplei, I have never seen i before.

     As these examples make clear, different types of phrasal movement vary a great deal in how they affect the structure of the surrounding sentence and in their effects on interpretation. In English, passivization requires a participle and auxiliary (2b), and wh-movement triggers subject-auxiliary inversion (3b), while topicalization does not obviously alter the surrounding material at all (4b). Passivization demotes the thematic subject, while wh-movement changes a statement into a question. | Coppe van Urk, 2015
  2. (Syntax) When we diagnose a phrase X as having undergone an instance of phrasal movement, we are claiming that the phrase occupies two distinct positions in a single syntactic structure. As a consequence, X is immediately dominated by more than one distinct category, a property often called multidominance (a notion developed by Engdahl 1986, Blevins 1990, Starke 2001, Gärtner 2002, a.o.). An additional property is crucial to the diagnosis of movement: c-command between the two positions. To a first approximation, then, when syntacticians diagnose phrasal movement, they have the following characterization in mind:

    1.  A phrase X has undergone movement if ...
      a. the multidominance property:
       ... X occupies (at least) two syntactic positions α, β; such that ...
      b. the c-command property:
       ... α c-commands β.

     The view of movement assumed in this chapter attributes its multidominance property to the rule Merge. | David Pesetsky, 2013
  3. (Example
     ○ Cinque (2010) argues that the marked orders in both Germanic languages and Romance languages are derived by phrasal movement. For instance, the English unmarked [A N] order is the base-order, as in (1a). In order to derive the marked order [N A], first, an adjective in the high zone moves up, deriving the structure in (1b), and then the remnant phrase, which contains the noun, moves to the left of the raised adjective, as in (1c).

    1. a. [FPH Aindirect [FPL Adirect N ] ] (base order)
    2. b. Aiindirect [FPH __i [FPL ... N ] ]
    3. c. [FPH __i [FPL ... N ] ]k ... Aiindirect __k (marked order)

     | Niina Ning Zhang, 2015

PHRASAL NUCLEUS

  1. (Syntax) The term pair nucleus vs. satellite was introduced by Seiler (1960) for what is now commonly known as head vs. dependent. The terms "head" and "dependent" are used for the main element of a phrase (determining its distributional properties) and for the other elements. | Glottopedia, 2014, 2007
  2. (Prosody) An intonational phrase has a specifiable intonational structure including a single most prominent point (the nucleus). (Halliday 1967, Hockett 1958, Lieberman 1967, Pierrehumbert 1980, Trager and Smith 1951) | Glottopedia, 2008
  3. (Examples)
     ○ Each phrase in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is built up around a Phonological Word (W) which serves as a kind of phrasal nucleus to which phonological clitics (C) are attached via one of the two processes of cliticization or phonological incorporation. As discussed in Beck (1999), whether a given lexical item is an eligible phrasal nucleus is not determined entirely by its semantic, syntactic, or morphological properties. As a rule of thumb:

     | David Beck and David Bennett, 2007
     ○ The ADAM (Architecture for Dialogue Annotation on Multiple Levels) proposal for morphosyntactic and syntactic annotation is a two-layer annotation structure, containing respectively information on word category and morphosyntactic features (pos tagging), and non-recursive phrasal nuclei (called chunks). | Roldano Cattoni, Morena Danieli, Vanessa Sandrini, and Claudia Soria, 2002
     ○ The formation of phonological phrases (PhP) in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is closely tied to the notion of the phonological word, and the building of phrases in many ways resembles the building of syllables. Like the syllable, the Lushootseed phonological phrase is built up around a single head or phrasal nucleus, and the ideal or canonical phrase allows for a single initial non-head element—the phrasal onset; on the other hand, phrasing does not allow for any element to follow the head (i.e. a phrasal coda). | David Beck, 1999
     ○ The phrase level in Telefol (Trans-New Guinea; Papua New Guinea) contains a nucleus of potentially very complex internal structure, and laterals which are not expandable. String constituent analysis does not necessarily require that all the beads in a string be the same size or shape, nor that all the laterals to a nucleus should have the same intensity of relationship. It is demonstrated here that certain items within the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to their head, the noun, and that certain items outside the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to the nucleus as such, even when it is manifested by one of the nuclear subordinates in isolation, without its noun head. | Phyllis M. Healey, 1965
     ○ Morphemically significant pitch sequences in Huichol (Uto-Aztecan; Mexico) occur principally on the final one or two feet of the phrase. The locus of occurrence of these pitch sequences is the phrase nucleus. Contrasts of all phonemic pitch levels occur in the nucleus; in the precontour which precedes it only limited pitch constrasts occur. | Joseph E. Grimes, 1959

PHRASAL PITCH ACCENT
(Examples)
 ○ Most interestingly in this study of Japanese (Japonic; Japan), together with the duration results of three-syllable words, C3 (the third consonant of the test word) of the final-accented (P3) condition is found to be both the fastest and the longest gesture, which is characteristic of phrasal pitch accent in stress languages. No interaction effects between phrasal position and pitch accent position were found in two- or three-syllable words. | Karen Tsai and Argyro Katsika, 2020
 ○ The second strategy for constructing polar questions in Fa D'Ambô (Portuguese-based Creole; Equatorial Guinea) is the stress of the last phonetic mora of the final prosodic word of the utterance associated with an increasing intonation. It is here analyzed as a consequence of a phrasal pitch-accent linked to the last mora of the sentence. This final pitch-accent contributes to the increasing intonation found in these sentences. In this way, the accentuation pattern in the final mora is revealed when pre-final stress of a lexical item in declarative sentences is performed as final by the association of the phrasal pitch-accent (H*) on the right. | Ana Lívia Agostinho, Gabriel Antunes de Araujo, and Eduardo Ferreira dos Santos, 2019
 ○ It may be the case that languages that have been described or listed as word-level pitch accent systems may be phrasal pitch accent systems. | Harry van der Hulst, 2011
 ○ I focus on the intonational system of the Bizkaian dialect [of Basque (isolate; Spain)] spoken in Lekeitio, a coastal town located in northeastern Biscay. In this dialect, tones are grouped in intonational units of different levels in a prosodic hierarchy, in a fashion similar to that of Japanese (cf. Beckman and Pierrehumbert 1986, Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988). First, there is a lexical pitch accent, of the shape H*+L, which is a property of the word level, i.e., it is assigned at the word level in the phonological representation. At a higher prosodic level, where words can be grouped, we find the accentual phrase, characterized by an initial %L boundary tone and a lexical or phrasal pitch accent (H*+L). These accentual phrases can be grouped into higher levels of prosodic structure, which we call intermediate phrases. These are the domains where downstep or catathesis applies. | Gorka Elordieta, 1998

PHRASAL VERB CONSTRUCTION
(Grammar) Among multi-word expressions, phrasal verbs (PVs) are one of the most prolific, productive and elusive structures. Broadly, PVs form multi-word structures by combining a lexical verb and an adverbial particle, as illustrated in (1-3). (1) illustrates an intransitive (henceforth [V Prt]) use of the PV break down, and (2) and (3) illustrate transitive uses of bring up and turn on. In the case of bring up, the verb is used in a verb-particle-object ([V Prt Obj]) structure and in the case of turn on the verb is used in a verb-object-particle ([V Obj Prt]) structure.

  1. I just broke down in tears when I saw the letter.
  2. I ventured to bring up the subject of the future.
  3. The warden said that she would turn the heating on.
 Semantically, it is generally accepted that PVs represent single semantic units. For instance, Biber et al. (1999) observes that PVs "can be classified by semantic domain, based on their core meanings, using the same categories as simple lexical verbs" such as activity, mental, communication or aspectual. Further, PVs can convey idiomatic meanings that cannot be recovered bottom-up (Alejo Gonzáles 2010; e.g. bring up in the sense of 'raise'). However, despite having an overall meaning, PVs can also retain, to a certain extent, the meaning of their components (cf. Jackendoff 1997, Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman 1999, Armstrong 2004). For instance, in the case of semi-idiomatic PVs, the verb word keeps its meaning while the meaning of the particle is less easy to isolate (Quirk et al. 1985; e.g. slacken off, cut up) and in the case of nonidiomatic PVs, the individual meanings of the components remain apparent (e.g. bring in, walk up, take out). Further, PVs can be interpreted differently depending on their context of use: For instance, bring up can be fully compositional in the sense of 'carry something up the stairs' and metaphorical in the sense of 'raise (a topic)'.
 In the usage-based tradition, PVs are constructions like all other constructions, i.e. "conventionalized pairings of form and function" (Goldberg 2006) which, cognitively, can be seen as mental patterns as they represent regularities that speakers can extract from a number of analogical usage events (Cappelle 2009). | Sandra C. Deshors, 2016
See Also VERB-PARTICLE CONSTRUCTION.

PHRASE STRUCTURE HYPOTHESIS FOR COMP
(Syntax)

The Phrase Structure Hypothesis for COMP (Bresnan 1972)
According to the phrase-structure hypothesis, complementizers are specified in deep structure by means of a phrase-structure rule. The rule for English would look like:
COMP S
... that, WH (="Q"), and for
 | Lisa Travis, 2025

PHRASEOLOGY

  1. (Grammar) The study of phraseological units of the language, as the branch of linguistics appeared in the 1940s. The object of phraseology is phraseological units, their nature, and the way they function in speech. However, there is a problem of terminology in linguistics connected with phraseology, since there are the following terms which are used in this branch of linguistics:

     The above-mentioned terms are used by scholars differently, and sometimes they express one and the same notion. | Kamala Vasif Guliyeva, 2016
  2. (Grammar) While the notion of phraseology is very widespread, just as with other linguistic concepts, different authors have defined it differently, sometimes not providing a clear-cut definition, or conflating several terms that many scholars prefer to distinguish. However, a closer comparative look at the vast majority of studies that exist allows us to identify a set of parameters that are typically implicated in phraseological research. I believe a rigorous definition of co-occurrence phenomena in general, and phraseology in particular, needs to take a stand regarding at least the following six parameters (cf. Howarth 1998 for a similar critique of the absence of defining criteria and an alternative proposal).

    1.  The nature of the elements involved in a phraseologism.
    2.  The number of elements involved in a phraseologism.
    3.  The number of times an expression must be observed before it counts as a phraseologism.
    4.  The permissible distance between the elements involved in a phraseologism.
    5.  The degree of lexical and syntactic flexibility of the elements involved.
    6.  The role that semantic unity and semantic non-compositionality / non-predictability play in the definition.

     | Stefan Th. Gries, 2008

PHRASEOLOGICAL TEDDY BEAR
(Acquisition) Ringbom (1998) shows that the frequencies of individual word forms tend to differ between learners and native speakers of English, with learners having a tendency to overuse vocabulary items that have high frequencies in general corpora of English. The overuse can be related to a core vocabulary that the learners have acquired early and know well. Hasselgren (1994) compares such familiar lexical favorites to children's toys: "Stripped of the confidence and ease we take for granted in our first language flow, we regularly clutch for the words we feel safe with: our 'lexical teddy bears'."
 A hypothesis of the present study is that the same tendency will be visible in the use of lexical bundles: some bundles will seem familiar and unobjectionable to learners, who will resort to them frequently as their "phraseological teddy bears". This idea is not novel; Nesselhauf (2005) suggests that learners' occasional overuse of "certain native-speaker-like chunks" may partly result "from learners using some of them as lexical teddy bears". | Hilde Hasselgård, 2019

PHYLOGENY
(Diachronic) The application of this general term in linguistics refers to the historical (or diachronic) development and decay of language in speech communities, or as represented in historical texts; also referred to as phylogenesis. Phylogenetic study contrasts with ontogeny, for the study of development in the individual, as carried on in language acquisition. | David Crystal, 2008

Π-GESTURE
(Prosody) The π-gesture model provides an account of the properties of prosodic boundaries. While various other conceptualizations of prosodic boundaries have been proposed, the π-gesture model is discussed here because it clearly defines prosodic boundaries. Furthermore, it has explicit temporal properties and allows the examination of the coordination of prosodic events. Finally, the model allows for a structurally more gradient prosodic hierarchy, which is in line with experimental evidence.
 The π-gesture model has been developed within the Articulatory Phonology framework, where the basic phonological unit is a gesture, which specifies a constriction target as its goal (e.g. for alveolar consonants, a tongue tip constriction constitutes the constriction target). Gestures in Articulatory Phonology are both units of information, specifying lexical contrast, and units of action, with specified temporal and spatial information. That is, gestures are lexical units parametrized both phonetically and phonologically, such that there is no need for a translational component that traditionally might be posited as mediating between phonology and phonetics. | Jelena Krivokapić, 2014

PIED-PIPING

  1. (Syntax) The phenomenon that when a wh-phrase is moved, it can optionally "drag along" a larger NP or PP in which it is contained.
     E.g., next to this first example, the other two are also possible:
    1. This is the book [ NP which ] I have designed [ NP the covers [ PP of t ] ]
    2. This is the book [ PP of which ] I have designed [ NP the covers t ]
    3. This is the book [ NP the covers of which ] I have designed t
     In some cases, pied-piping is obligatory, due to the Left Branch Condition. (Ross 1967) | Utrecht Lexicon of Linguistics, 2001
  2. (Syntax) The notion of "pied-piping" has been an integral part of all versions of the theory of generative grammar that assume transformational movements since it was first introduced by Ross (1986, from his 1967 dissertation). The term itself—attributed by Ross to Robin Lakoff—refers to the phenomenon whereby some particular movement operation T, designated to displace an element A, in fact displaces additional elements together with A. More specifically, pied-piping is involved when an application of T ends up moving some constituent B that properly contains A. Ross' Pied-Piping Convention was originally meant, for instance, to extend the application of the Relative Clause Formation transformation, so that it is able to move more than just the NP immediately dominating the relative pronoun in cases such as shown in (1)–(5), where (2), (3), and (4) represent, according to Ross (1986), instances of pied-piping by the relative wh-pronoun.
    1. reports [ which ] the government prescribes the height of the lettering on ...
    2. reports [ the covers of which ] the government prescribes the height of the lettering on ...
    3. reports the [ lettering on the covers of which ] the government prescribes the height of ...
    4. the boy [ whose guardian's employer ] we elected president
    5. * the boy [ whose ] we elected guardian's employer president
     From their inception until now the existence of pied-piping effects has uniformly been assumed in the literature, and the assumed pied-piping mechanism has provided a useful descriptive tool. | Julia Horvath, 2016

PILLAI SCORE
(Phonetics) Hay et al. (2006) introduced a method for estimating the extent of overlap between vowel categories which they referred to as the "Pillai score" (Pillai). They used this method in their analysis of near and square in New Zealand English. Kennedy (2006) subsequently used it to examine caught and foot before /l/ in New Zealand English. Hall-Lew (2009) and Wong and Hall-Lew (2014) used it for analyzing cot and caught in San Francisco and New York City. The Pillai score, formally known as the Pillai-Bartlett trace, is simply a statistic that is part of the output of a MANOVA model. Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) is a type of ANOVA that models variation with respect to more than one dependent variable simultaneously, such as both F1 and F2. The higher the value of the Pillai statistic, the greater the difference between the two distributions with respect to these dependent variables. Each model also provides a measure of statistical significance, with a p value generated for each Pillai statistic that indicates whether the difference between clusters is significant.
 The Pillai does not represent distance so much as a more abstracted difference: Pillai score values range from 0 to 1 in all cases, with 0 indicating no difference between two clusters and 1 indicating no similarity. The Pillai score is directly drawn from a procedure that models F1 and F2 variation simultaneously—a feature which may be desirable or not. Although the set range of Pillai scores from 0 to 1 is useful for comparison across speakers (within a corpus), the Pillai values are not expressed in units that are easy to interpret. Linguists are more likely to prefer measures that represent the difference between two acoustic categories in perceptually meaningful terms, such as Hertz. | Jennifer Nycz and Lauren Hall-Lew, 2013

PITCH ACCENT

  1. (Prosody) A term used in the description of languages in which the distribution of the tones within a word is totally predictable once one has specified a particular tonal feature of the word (as in Japanese). The notion has also been applied to English, where some phonological models analyze intonation contours as a sequence of one or more pitch accents, each associated with a stress-prominent syllable in a word. | David Crystal, 2008
  2. (Prosody) Or, tonal accent. A distinction is made between stress accent and pitch accent. Stress accent refers to variation in loudness, while pitch accent refers to variation in musical pitch (frequency). English or German has stress accent. Japanese has only pitch accent, with an accent of rising pitch and another of falling pitch. | Wolfgang Hadamitzky and Mark Spahn, 2008

PITCH EXCURSION

  1. (Phonetics) A deviation in pitch, for example in the syllables of enthusiastic speech. | Wiktionary, 2023
  2. (Phonetics) While the experiments by 't Hart (1981) placed the issue of discriminability of F0 differences in a linguistic context, the listeners' task remained non-linguistic in the sense that they had to decide which item of a stimulus pair contained the larger pitch movement. Linguistically, the size of accent-lending F0 excursions would in general appear to correlate with the prominence of the accent. Accordingly, in our experiment, we decided to put 't Hart's claim that differences of less than 3.0 semitones (ST) do not play a role in speech to the test in a linguistically oriented task: one which required judges to decide which of two accents that varied in F0 excursion size was more prominent, choosing 1.5 ST as our smallest interval. As is well known, the relation between prominence and F0 excursion is confounded by overall intonation features. As Breckenridge and Liberman (1977) and Pierrehumbert (1979) have shown, the prominence impression of F0 excursions is a function of the serial position of the accent, later accents requiring smaller excursions than earlier ones, an effect which is generally attributed to declination (cf. Cohen, Collier and 't Hart, 1982).
     A separate, and arguably more important issue in the relation between differences in perceived prominence and F0 excursion size differences is that of the measure in which F0 differences should be expressed for the purposes of linguistic description. Some authors, e.g. Pierrehumbert (1979), Ladd (1983), and Liberman and Pierrehumbert (1984) present their data in Hertz, others, e.g. 't Hart & Collier (1975), Thorsen (1980), and 't Hart (1981) in ST. Expression of F0 data in ST would seem to do justice to the perception of pitch intervals: a jump from 150 to 300Hz is, musically, equal to one from 100 to 200Hz. On the other hand, there are also indications that a given semitone interval in a low frequency range does not have the same perceptual effect as the same interval (expressed in ST) in a higher frequency range. In a pilot study on the perceptual effect of F0 movements superimposed on a steeply descending baseline carried out by the first author, it was found that early movements created a stronger prominence impression than later movements with the same excursion in ST. Perhaps Stevens' remarks (1975) are relevant here:
    ... all musical intervals grow subjectively larger as frequency increases up to about four octaves above middle C. In other words, throughout the whole of what is usually called the musical range, intervals made up of equal frequency ratios (i.e. musical intervals) increase in perceived pitch extent with increasing frequency ... it is often thought that the musical scale based on frequency ratios is somehow a subjective scale. It is not.
     | A.C.M. Rietveld and C. Gussenhoven, 1985

PITCH HEIGHT

  1. (Acoustics) Pitch is a multidimensional perceptual attribute that plays an important role in speech, language and hearing. One salient dimension of pitch is pitch height, which orders pitch from low to high. Perceptually, pitch height is a continuous vertical dimension associated with the voice fundamental frequency (F0) of sound that varies directly with frequency, and provides a basis for segregation of sound sources (Roffler and Butler 1968, Shepard 1982, Krumhansl 1990, Melara and Marks, 1990). | Ananthanarayan Krishnan, Chandan H. Suresh, and Jackson T. Gandour, 2017
  2. (Acoustics) Through stimulus-response compatibility we tested whether sound frequency (pitch height) elicits a mental spatial representation. | Elena Rusconi, Bonnie Kwan, Bruno Giordano, Carlo Umiltà, and Brian Butterworth, 2005
  3. (Example)
     ○ The working hypothesis of the current study is that, if voice quality can affect pitch perception, manipulating the spectral slope of a voice should be able to shift listeners' perception of pitch height. | Jianjing Kuang and Mark Liberman, 2015
     ○ These results indicate that pitch contour and pitch height are two important dimensions in sensory processing of lexical tones. | Yiu-Kei Tsang, Shiwei Jia, Jian Huang, and Hsuan-Chih Chen, 2011
     ○ It is concluded that mothers use both pitch height and pitch range to introduce the preverbal infant to the difference between non-play and play situations, and they continue to use variations in pitch height to mark the same distinction after the children have become active participants in pretend play activities. | Nadja Reissland and David Snow, 1996

PITCH RANGE

  1. (Phonetics) The range of values between the highest and lowest F0 values in a given stretch of speech. In a higher pitch range, both the peaks and the troughs are higher than in a lower pitch range. | Scott Myers, 1996
  2. (Phonetics) Refers to the upper and lower limits of a speaker's vocal pitch. | Pamela Rogerson-Revell, 2011

PITCH TRACK
(Examples)
 ○ Taking the original aural text as a starting point, the first step was to cut every single utterance with the program MP3 Cutter and introduce the audio files in the speech recognition software SFS/WASP (version 1.54), developed by Mark Huckvale (University College London), in order to obtain the waveform and pitch track of every voiced sentence. Even though this software was the tool used to analyze the pitch contour of the utterances under scrutiny, additional aural inspections were conducted by the researcher to double-check the accuracy of the findings. Double-checking is always advisable, since non-diegetic sounds and background noises might vary or alter the pitch track extracted from the speech analysis tool. | Sofiía Sánchez-Mompeán, 2019
 ○ Our goal was to detect sentence stress. This task is simpler than detecting pitch accents at word, syllable and vowel level. It was important to automatically adapt the method to the speaker's pitch range and detect sentence stress with a high accuracy. As a result an intermediate pitch pattern is generated where the inappropriate stressed parts are eliminated. That can be fed to the rule-based prediction methods which transform the pitch track to the appropriate form of the sentence stress that corresponds to the grammatical rules of the language. | Péter Nagy and Géza Németh, 2016

PIVOT

  1. (Syntax) In everyday English conversation, talk can be produced such that it is simultaneously a grammatical ending of what precedes it, and a beginning of what follows (e.g. that's what I'd like to have is a fresh one). A range of features of phonetic design (including pitch, loudness, duration, and articulatory characteristics) are shown to be deployed in systematic ways in order to handle the dual tasks of avoiding the signalling of transition relevance at the end of the pivot, and marking out the fittedness of the pivot to both what precedes and what follows. | Gareth Walker, 2007
  2. (Syntax) The syntactic pivot is the verb argument around which sentences "revolve" in a given language. This usually means the following:


     The first two characteristics have to do with simple morphosyntax, and from them, it is quite obvious the syntactic pivot in English (and most other European languages) is called the subject. An English verb cannot lack a subject (even in the imperative mood, the subject is implied to be you and is not ambiguous or unspecified) and cannot have just a direct object and no subject; and (at least in the present tense, and for the verb to be) it agrees partially with the subject.
     The third point deserves an explanation. Consider the following sentence:

    1.  I  shot the deer and killed it.

     There are two coordinated propositions, and the second proposition lacks an explicit subject, but since the subject is the syntactic pivot, the second proposition is assumed to have the same subject as the first one. One cannot do so with a direct object (in English). The result would be ungrammatical or have a different meaning:

    1. * I shot the deer and I killed .

     The syntactic pivot is a feature of the morphosyntactic alignment of the language. | Wikipedia, 2026
  3. (Acquisition) Recent studies of language development have focused attention on the early stages of emerging syntax—the use of two-word and three-word sentences sometime during the second half of the second year of life. A number of investigators have reported similar distributional phenomena in samples of early child speech. When children begin to use two words in juxtaposition there are often a small number of words that occur frequently, in relatively fixed position, in combination with a large number of other words, each of which occurs less frequently. Braine (1963) named this first group of words pivots; children's speech has since been described in the literature as pivotal, and an account of the systematic productivity of early utterances is often referred to in terms of pivot grammar. | Lois Bloom, 1971

PIVOT ARGUMENT
(Examples)
 ○ I propose that if we examine closer the lexical properties of the Chinese attitudinal adverb daodi, we would find that its attitude needs to be ascribed to either the external speaker or the internal speaker when the derivation unfolds. This concept can be formalized as an unsaturated pivot argument in the semantics of daodi that is restricted by a pivot operator in the left periphery of Chinese phrase structure.

[[daodi]] = λQλxy. y is an attitude that is ascribed to xx holds y toward Q.
 This means that an attitudinal adverb like Chinese daodi takes two arguments.:

  1. Q represents the interrogative it occurs in.
  2. x represents the pivot argument to which the attitude carried by daodi is ascribed.
 | Chao-ting Tim Chou, 2006
 ○ Consider the Squliq Atayal (Austronesian; Taiwan) examples in (1). These sentences all describe Yuraw cooking taro, but they vary in word order and nominal and verbal morphology. In each example, one argument of the verb, which we call the pivot (underscored), is in sentence-final position and preceded by qu, which we gloss as nominative case. Voice morphology on the verb (underscored) correlates with the choice of pivot argument. Note that non-pivot arguments are also case-marked: non-pivot agents are genitive (also the case for possessors), whereas non-pivot themes are unmarked, glossed here (from Erlewine field notes) as accusative.

  1. Actor Voice (AV)
    a.
    Cyux
    AUX
    p-hapuy
    AV.IRR-cook
    sehuy
    taro(ACC)
    sa
    DAT
    knobuy
    kitchen
    qu
    NOM
    Yuraw.
    Yuraw
      'Yuraw cooks taro in the kitchen.'
    Patient Voice (PV)
    b.
    Puy-un
    cook-PV
    na
    GEN
    Yuraw
    Yuraw
    qu
    NOM
    sehuy.
    taro
      'Yuraw cooked taro.'
    Locative Voice (LV)
    c.
    Hpuy-an
    cool-LV
    na
    GEN
    Yuraw
    Yuraw
    sehuy
    taro(ACC)
    qu
    NOM
    knobuy.
    kitchen
    'Yuraw cooks taro in the kitchen.'

 | Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine and Theodore Levin, 2018

PIVOT PARAMETER

  1. (Discourse) The discourse (context) parameters we are using are as follows:


     PIVOT is as defined by Sells (1985) which represents the one from whose point-of-view the report is made. This discourse parameter was originally introduced by Kuno and Kaburagi (1975) to represent situations where the speaker identifies with the person who is represented by an NP in a sentence. Kuno and Kaburagi (1977) and Kuno (1987) use the term empathy perspective and represent this information through a binary comparison of varying degrees of empathy values. Since we will be keeping track of "where the view-point is" as a singleton parameter, we will be using the term "PIVOT" instead of "empathy perspective". | Hideto Tomabechi, 1989
  2. (Examples)
     ○ The algorithm compares two approaches when performing cross-lingual clustering:

    1. Global parameter. Using a global parameter for measuring distances between all language articles for cross-lingual clustering decisions.
    2. Pivot parameter. Using a pivot parameter, where the distances between every other language are only compared to English, and cross-lingual clustering decisions are made only based on this distance.

     | Erik Novak, 2021
     ○ We need to ask whether pivot constructions are a syntactic structure in themselves, and if so, what formal parameters are the decisive factors. | Hannes Scheutz, 2008

PIVOTAL CONSTRUCTION

  1. (Syntax) Nowadays, most scholars agree with the term pivotal constituent to represent the Chinese syntactic term Jianyu, while the pivotal construction is the sentence with the construction of pivotal constituent. The pivotal construction is made up of a verb-object structure and a subject-predicate structure. There's no equivalent structure in English. So, when translated, the pivotal construction of the sentence is changed. Such a construction can be represented in a simple sentence in Chinese, whereas maybe a complex or simple sentence when translated into English.

    1.  Ta Qing Wo Lai.
       He asks me to come.

     In this sentence, me is the object of ask and it is also the logical subject of come, and this structure is generally derived as N1 + V1 + N2 + V2, which is a typical derivation of a pivotal construction. N1 is the subject of the sentence. V1 + N2 + V2 is a pivotal constituent, in which V1 + N2 is a verb-object structure and N2 + V2 is a subject-predicate structure. These two structures are combined by N2, the pivotal noun, and also called Jianyu in Chinese, which means an element undertaking two syntactic functions without any inflectional change of the word form. So, N2 has two functions: the object of V1, and subject of V2. And V1 is the pivotal verb, governing N2 and having little semantic relation with V2. According to Cui and Sheng (1990), two aspects are the points of focus. The first is the causative meaning of V1, which involves certain object and makes the object behave in a certain way. The second aspect is about the two verbs. There is a logical connection of cause and effect relationship between V1 and V2. In their paper, the study of this construction is the study of V1 and V2. There are also a lot of studies on pivotal construction in Chinese academic circle, and they mainly focus on the naming process, deep structure analysis, classification and acquisition by foreign learners. | Zhiyan Hu, 2018
  2. (Syntax) There is no generally accepted definition and typology of pivot constructions (Franck 1985, Hakulinen 1987, Hennoste, 2001:195-- 197; Scheutz, 2005:107--112; Norén, 2007:106--140; Betz, 2008:27--35; Norén and Linell, 2013). If one scans the literature, however, a prototypical PC would be defined on the basis of the following seven features (Scheutz, 2005:107-- 112; see also Norén, 2007; Norén and Linell, 2013):

    1.  It consists of three adjacent parts: pre-pivot, pivot, and post-pivot.
    2.  The pre-pivot + pivot and the pivot + post-pivot segments construct clausal units, but the first and the last parts are incoherent from a normative grammatical perspective.
    3.  The turn could be brought to a possible syntactic completion at the end of the pivot segment.
    4.  It includes two finite verbs (main predicate verbs or finite parts of composite verb forms) appearing in the pre-pivot and post-pivot.
    5.  The pivot between the verbs fulfills the same syntactic function in the pre-pivot and the post-pivot.
    6.  It is constructed as a prosodically coherent unit (without restarts) but there could be self-repairs and pauses in the PC.
    7.  There is semantic coherence between the pre-pivot and the post-pivot.

     In example (1) below, P is talking about computer problems with his brother. In this example the pre-pivot is ta ei võta 'it does not get', the post-pivot is ei võta ühendust 'does not get in touch', and the pivot is noh nende klientidega 'with these customers', which is an NP in the comitative case and an adverbial with regard to both verbs.

    1. P:
      vaata
      check-IMP
      kas
      whether
      ‵proksi
      proxy
      on:
      be-PRES-SG3
      oõigesti
      properly
      ‵konfitud,
      configure-PTCL
      sebärast
      because
         'check whether the proxy is properly configured because'

    2. minu=arust
      in my opinion
      ta
      it
      ei
      NEG
      võta:
      get-NEG
      noh
      PRT
      nende
      these-GEN-PL
         'in my opinion it does not get in with these'

    3. kli‵entidega
      customer-CMT-PL
      ei
      NEG
      võta
      get-NEG
      ‵ühendust.
      connection-NFV.
         'customers does not get in touch'

     There are different lexico-grammatical types of PCs and different researchers have used different typologies. | Tiit Hennoste, 2013

PLESIONYM

  1. (Semantics) Or, near-synonymn. Plesionyms are words that are almost synonyms, but not quite.
     True synonymy is quite rare. It is limited mostly to technical terms (distichous, two-ranked; groundhog, woodchuck) and groups of words that differ only in collocational properties, or the like. More frequently, words that are close in meaning are plesionyms—not fully inter-substitutable but varying in their shades of denotation, connotation, implicature, emphasis, or register (DiMarco, Hirst, and Stede 1993/1995, adapting the definitions of Cruse 1986). For example, lie, falsehood, untruth, fib, and misrepresentation all mean a statement that does not conform to the truth. But a lie is a deliberate attempt to deceive that is a flat contradiction of the truth, whereas a misrepresentation may be more indirect, as by misplacement of emphasis, an untruth might be told merely out of ignorance, and a fib is deliberate but relatively trivial, possibly told to save one's own or another's face (Gove 1984). Moreover, fib is an informal, childish term, while falsehood is quite formal, and untruth can be used euphemistically to avoid some of the derogatory implications of some of the other terms (Gove 1984; compare Coleman and Kay 1981). The following table shows a few of the ways in which plesionyms may differ. Often, plesionyms will differ in several ways at once.
    Difference Examples
    Denotation, coarse-grained yawl, ketch
    Denotation, fine-grained lie, fib
    Denotation, fuzzy forest, woods
    Emphasis foe, enemy
    Implicature mislay, lose
    Formality drunk, pissed
    Attitude of speaker skinny, slim
     It can be difficult even for native speakers of a language to command the differences between plesionyms well enough to use them with invariable precision, or to articulate those differences even when they are known. Consequently, many reference books are published to help in that task. | Graeme Hirst, 1995
  2. (Semantics) In its general sense, synonymy means the identity of meaning shared by two or more different forms in certain contexts (Palmer 1981). Cruse (1986) presents a detailed discussion about the concept of synonymy in which he develops what he calls "a scale of synonymity". In this scale, the idea of synonymy is classified into three classes according to the degree of synonymity depending on two criteria.

    1. a. A criterion relating to the idea of semantic identity: the lexical items are said to be synonymous when possessing, as much as possible, the same semantic traits.
      b. A criterion covering the degree of synonymity which describes synonymous words in such a way that some pairs of synonyms are "more synonymous" than other pairs: E.g., settee and sofa are more synonymous than die and kick the bucket which in turn are more synonymous than brainy and shrewd.

     As a result, Cruse classifies synonymy into three categories:

    1. a. Absolute synonymy which indicates a pair of lexical items with identical contextual relations.
      b. Cognitive synonymy (also called partial synonymy) referring to lexical items that have some contextual relations in common.
      c. Plesionym which refers to lexical items which are similar in meaning but are syntactically different.

     | Ahmed Sahib Mubarak, 2006

PLURACTIONALITY
(Grammar) Or, verbal number. If not used in its aspectual sense, a grammatical aspect that indicates that the action or participants of a verb is, or are, plural. This differs from frequentative or iterative aspects in that the latter have no implication for the number of participants of the verb.
 Often a pluractional transitive verb indicates that the object is plural, whereas in a pluractional intransitive verb the subject is plural. This is sometimes taken as an element of ergativity in the language. However, the essence of pluractionality is that the action of the verb is plural, whether because several people perform the action, it is performed on several objects, or it is performed several times. The exact interpretation may depend on the semantics of the verb as well as the context in which it is used. The lack of verbal number does not generally mean that the action and participants are singular, but rather that there is no particularly notable plurality; thus it may be better described as paucal vs. multiple rather than singular vs. plural.
 Although English does not have verbal number as a grammatical device, many English verbs such as stampede and massacre are used when one of the participants involves a large number. English also has a number of verbs (often ending in -le, such as nibble) which indicate repetitive actions, and this is similar to some types of grammatically-marked pluractionality in other languages. | Wikipedia, 2023

PLURAL INDEFINITE
(Examples)
 ○ The Istriot (Indo-European; Croatia) quantifier uni / une is unique in the Italo-Romance domain since, generally, the plural indefinite forms derived from the Latin numeral 'one' are pronouns and never occur in attributive position (Loporcaro 2017). | Alberto Giudici and Chiara Zanini, 2021
 ○  I provide a decompositional analysis of three kinds of plural indefinites, in two related languages, European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese. The three indefinites studied are bare plurals, the unos (Spanish) / uns (Portuguese) type, and the algunos (Spanish) / alguns (Portuguese) type. | Luisa Martí, 2008
 ○ Generalizing 'one' as an indefinite determiner for the plural is not as frequent. The plural-'one' indefinite article is found in Romance Languages: it is used in Catalan (uns, unes), Old French (uns, unes), Galician (uns, unhas), Portuguese (uns, umhas), Romanian (unii, unele) and Spanish (unos, unas). But not all Romance languages have extended the use of 'one' as indefinite article to the plural. Italian has developed a partitive article (dei, della) to convey a plural indefinite meaning similar to unos-DPs, and Modern French has substituted the old plural indefinite article uns, unes by a partitive article des. | Helena Lopez Palma, 2007
 ○ English NPs which begin with a / an (an elephant, a big lie), "indefinite descriptions", are prototypical examples of indefinite NPs. (Plural indefinite descriptions use the determiner some.) | Barbara Abbott, 2006

PLURAL SIDE

  1. (Stratificational Grammar) The plural side of a node is the side, either the top or the bottom, to which more than one line is connected. For example, a downward OR node has one line connected to the top, which thus is called the singular side, and two or more lines connected to the bottom, the plural side. An upward AND node has two or more lines connected to the top, the plural side, and one connected to the bottom, the singular side. | Glottopedia, 2017
  2. (Stratificational Grammar) AND nodes are represented with triangles, whereas OR nodes are represented with horizontal brackets. Each node has a singular and a plural side, determined by the number of nodes each side is connected to. The singular side of a node is the one possessing just one connecting line. The position of the plural side (the side linked to at least two other nodes) dictates the node's orientation: if the plural side faces upwards, then the node is upward; if the plural side faces downwards, then the node is downward. | Adolfo Marín García, 2015
  3. (Stratificational Grammar) According to the vertical convention adopted in Stratificational Grammar, whereby meanings or functions are on the uppermost stratum and phonological expression is at the lowest one, each node can have an upward direction (leading from a given stratum to a higher one) or a downward direction (leading from a given stratum to a lower one). All nodes have both a plural and a singular side, determined by how many other nodes they can be connected to on each end. On the plural side, two or more lines either converge or branch out to receive or send activation from or to several other nodes; the singular side has only one line connecting the node with a single other node by which it can be activated. | Adolfo Martín García and José María Gil, 2009
  4. (Stratificational Grammar) A typical SG node has a singular side (one terminal) and a plural side (two terminals). The node is bidirectional. In encoding, inputs are from the top, in decoding from the bottom. This is why behavioral definitions divide a bidirectional node into two unidirectional nodes. For either of these nodes, the output is defined as a function of the input(s). | Rüdiger Schreyer, 1980
  5. (Examples)
     ○ Other internal lines connect the plural side of one node to the singular side of another, for example, a line connecting the plural side of an "upward AND" to the singular side of an "upward OR". | David C. Bennett, 2008
     ○ Implicit in most, if not all, definitions of the ordered AND is not only that the constituents on the plural side are temporally ordered, but also that they are temporally contiguous. | Lars Borin, 1988

 

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