PHRASAL CATEGORY

1. (Syntax) Syntactic structure involves hierarchy and scope. One of the main expressions of hierarchy is the phrasal category. The phrasal category is an abstract, hierarchical unit that functions as a syntactic constituent. Phrasal categories are projections of their lexical heads: a noun, for instance, heads a noun phrase (NP); a verb heads a verb phrase (VP); etc. There is at least one intermediate level of structure. | Carlota S. Smith, 2009
2. (Syntax) The term grammatical category has been used to cover a wide variety of concepts, such as the nominal and verbal categories, including what traditional grammarians call parts of speech; while the phrasal category includes different levels of syntactic categories which are: Noun phrase (NP), Verb phrase (VP), Adjectival phrase (AdjP), Prepositional phrase (PP); Noun with bar (N′), Verb with bar (V′), Preposition with bar (P′); Noun (N), Verb (V), Adverb (Adv), Adjective (Adj), Preposition (P); and word level of a phrase (Loos 2003, Crystal 1985 / 2008). | Unyime Imo Udoeyo and Aniedi Friday Etim, 2022
3. (Syntax) Morphologically based notions like noun, verb, adjective, and so on are half the original motivation for X̅ theory; the other half is the Bloomfieldian distinction between lexical categories, of which the preceding are examples, and phrasal categories (noun phrase, verb phrase, adjective phrase, etc.). | Susan F. Schmerling, 1983
4. (Categorial Grammar) Some familiar grammatical categories do not appear as such in CG: for example, Adverb, Adverb Phrase, Preposition, and Prepositional Phrase do not exist in exactly parallel form in CG: rather, there are only the phrasal categories S-modifier (S\\S), VP-modifier (VP\\VP), and so on, each of which may contain both solitary lexical expressions (S-adverbs, VP-adverbs), as well as complex phrases consisting of an adverb and modifier ("Adverb Phrase"), a preposition and object (e.g. [(S\\S) /NP NP], a "Prepositional Phrase"), a preposition and two complements ([(VP\\VP) /NP) /Adj NP Adj], e.g. with the president absent) or a sentence and adverbial. subordinating conjunction (e.g. [(S\\S) /S S], an "adverbial subordinate clause"). | David Dowty, 1989
5. (Examples)
    ○ Chapter 2 discusses the empty phrasal category of NP. The discontinuous empty-phrasal-categories suggest an account of PF deletion inside of the Chinese DP. | Liching Livy Chiu, 2011
    ○ We saw that the presence of the plural morpheme implies a phrasal category. | Yasemin Aydemir, 2004
    ○ Suppose that a learner is exposed to small discourses like (1),
   1.  I'll play with this red ball and you can play with that one.
   
   in which one is anaphoric to some previously mentioned discourse entity and that the learner has recognized that one is anaphoric. In order to understand this use of one, the learner must know that it is anaphoric to the phrasal category N′. | Jeffrey Lidz, Sandra Waxman, and Jennifer Freedman, 2003
    ○ Given a theory of this general type, it would not appear to be necessary to assign the ensemble of elements which make up a phrasal predicate to any particular category in lexical representations. In particular, the phrasal predicate as a whole need not be assigned to a phrasal category in the lexicon. Thus we avoid having to duplicate in the lexicon the power of the syntactic component to assign strings of words to phrasal categories. | Farrell Ackerman and Philip LeSourd, 1997

PHRASAL LAYERING

1. (Syntax) Two major approaches to deverbal nominalizations, which Wood (2023) refers to as the Parallel Structures and Phrasal Layering analyses, were developed to capture the observation that nominalizations are frequently isomorphic to their verbal counterparts. In the Parallel Structures analysis, nominalizations are noun phrases with a structure configurationally identical to that of verb phrases (Chomsky 1970). In the Phrasal Layering analysis, nominalizations are built on top of a full verb phrase (Alexiadou 2001, Borer 1997, Fu et al. 2001). | Yining Nie, 2024
2. (Syntax) The syntax (and interpretation, and morphology) of stative passives:
   1. a. The door is open- ed.
      b.
       

      I
      the.NOM

      porta
      door.NOM

      ine
      be.2SG

      aniɣ-
      √OPEN

      i.
       F.NOM

        'The door is opened.'
   
    These are often taken to embed a phrasal verbal structure, one that can be as big as (2):
   2.  Stative Passive à la Phrasal Layering

              /\
             /  \
            /    \
         Stat   VoiceP
          -ed      /\
                  /  \
                 /    \
          Voice(PASS)    vP
                       / \
                      /   \
                     /     \
                    v       DP
                   /\       /\
                  /  \     /  \
                 /    \   /____\
                v   √OPEN  the door
      

    | Lefteris Paparounas, 2022
3. (Examples)
    ○ In Oshiwambo (Niger-Congo; Angola, Namibia) subject nominalizations, the presence of the reflexive marker, applied arguments, by-phrases, low adverbs, and temporal adverbs calls for a more articulated structure that includes VoiceP and TP. Overall, the facts in Oshiwambo can be captured under an extended version of Alexiadou and Schäfer's (2010) phrasal layering analysis where verbal functional projections, including TP, can be established inside the nominal domain. | Soo-Hwan Lee and Olivia Ndapo, 2025
    ○ Subject nominalizations in all of the languages discussed so far are best analyzed under the Phrasal Layering analysis (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2010, a.o.). The Phrasal Layering analysis highlights the similarities between the nominal and clausal syntax. Hence, verbal projections, such as VP and vP, can be employed for nominalizations under this approach. It follows, then, that external and internal arguments can be introduced in nominalizations. This accounts for the realization of reflexive markers, nominal licensing, and the distinction between unergative and unaccusative predicates. | Soo-Hwan Lee, 2024
    ○ The work presented here summarizes several tools that have been discussed extensively in the relevant literature on phrasal layering accounts of compound formation, especially within certain versions of the Distributed Morphology framework (see, for example, Alexiadou 2017, 2020, Iordăchioaia et al. 2017, Iordăchioaia 2019). | Dimitrios Ntelitheos, 2022

PHRASAL MOVEMENT

1. (Syntax) There are many types of phrasal movement across languages, with a variety of effects and functions. The pairs in (1)-(4) illustrate some of the ways in which noun phrases can be displaced in English.
   1.  Raising
      a. It seems that the world is round.
      b. The world_i seems  _i to be round.
   2.  Passivization
      a. Someone broke the lamp.
      b. The lamp_i was broken  _i.
   3.  Wh-movement
      a. I thought that you had read those books.
      b. Which books_i did I think that you had read  _i?
   4.  Topicalization
      a. I have never seen these people before.
      b. These people_i, I have never seen  _i before.
   
    As these examples make clear, different types of phrasal movement vary a great deal in how they affect the structure of the surrounding sentence and in their effects on interpretation. In English, passivization requires a participle and auxiliary (2b), and wh-movement triggers subject-auxiliary inversion (3b), while topicalization does not obviously alter the surrounding material at all (4b). Passivization demotes the thematic subject, while wh-movement changes a statement into a question. | Coppe van Urk, 2015
2. (Syntax) When we diagnose a phrase X as having undergone an instance of phrasal movement, we are claiming that the phrase occupies two distinct positions in a single syntactic structure. As a consequence, X is immediately dominated by more than one distinct category, a property often called multidominance (a notion developed by Engdahl 1986, Blevins 1990, Starke 2001, Gärtner 2002, a.o.). An additional property is crucial to the diagnosis of movement: c-command between the two positions. To a first approximation, then, when syntacticians diagnose phrasal movement, they have the following characterization in mind:
   1.  A phrase X has undergone movement if ...
      a. the multidominance property:
       ... X occupies (at least) two syntactic positions α, β; such that ...
      b. the c-command property:
       ... α c-commands β.
   
    The view of movement assumed in this chapter attributes its multidominance property to the rule Merge. | David Pesetsky, 2013
3. (Example)
    ○ Cinque (2010) argues that the marked orders in both Germanic languages and Romance languages are derived by phrasal movement. For instance, the English unmarked [A N] order is the base-order, as in (1a). In order to derive the marked order [N A], first, an adjective in the high zone moves up, deriving the structure in (1b), and then the remnant phrase, which contains the noun, moves to the left of the raised adjective, as in (1c).
   1. a. [_FP^H A^indirect [_FP^L A^direct N ] ] (base order)
      b. A_i^indirect [_FP^H __ _i [_FP^L ... N ] ]
      c. [_FP^H __ _i [_FP^L ... N ] ]_k ... A_i^indirect __ _k (marked order)
   
    | Niina Ning Zhang, 2015

PHRASAL NUCLEUS

1. (Syntax) The term pair nucleus vs. satellite was introduced by Seiler (1960) for what is now commonly known as "head" vs. "dependent". The terms head and dependent are used for the main element of a phrase (determining its distributional properties) and for the other elements. | Glottopedia, 2014, 2007
2. (Prosody) An intonational phrase has a specifiable intonational structure including a single most prominent point (the nucleus). (Halliday 1967, Hockett 1958, Lieberman 1967, Pierrehumbert 1980, Trager and Smith 1951) | Glottopedia, 2008
3. (Examples)
    ○ Each phrase in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is built up around a Phonological Word (W) which serves as a kind of phrasal nucleus to which phonological clitics (C) are attached via one of the two processes of cliticization or phonological incorporation. As discussed in Beck (1999), whether a given lexical item is an eligible phrasal nucleus is not determined entirely by its semantic, syntactic, or morphological properties. As a rule of thumb:
   • Words belonging to major word classes tend to be phonological heads; nouns are always heads, as are derived verbs (Lushootseed has no adjectives—Beck 2002).
   • Particles are not words, unless marked for emphasis.
   • Deictics and words corresponding to English adjectives and adverbs may be either clitics or words, depending on which is needed to achieve optimal phrasing.
   
    | David Beck and David Bennett, 2007
    ○ The ADAM (Architecture for Dialogue Annotation on Multiple Levels) proposal for morphosyntactic and syntactic annotation is a two-layer annotation structure, containing respectively information on word category and morphosyntactic features (pos tagging), and non-recursive phrasal nuclei (called chunks). | Roldano Cattoni, Morena Danieli, Vanessa Sandrini, and Claudia Soria, 2002
    ○ The formation of phonological phrases (PhP) in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is closely tied to the notion of the phonological word, and the building of phrases in many ways resembles the building of syllables. Like the syllable, the Lushootseed phonological phrase is built up around a single head or phrasal nucleus, and the ideal or canonical phrase allows for a single initial non-head element—the phrasal onset; on the other hand, phrasing does not allow for any element to follow the head (i.e. a phrasal coda). | David Beck, 1999
    ○ The phrase level in Telefol (Trans-New Guinea; Papua New Guinea) contains a nucleus of potentially very complex internal structure, and laterals which are not expandable. String constituent analysis does not necessarily require that all the beads in a string be the same size or shape, nor that all the laterals to a nucleus should have the same intensity of relationship. It is demonstrated here that certain items within the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to their head, the noun, and that certain items outside the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to the nucleus as such, even when it is manifested by one of the nuclear subordinates in isolation, without its noun head. | Phyllis M. Healey, 1965
    ○ Morphemically significant pitch sequences in Huichol (Uto-Aztecan; Mexico) occur principally on the final one or two feet of the phrase. The locus of occurrence of these pitch sequences is the phrase nucleus. Contrasts of all phonemic pitch levels occur in the nucleus; in the precontour which precedes it only limited pitch constrasts occur. | Joseph E. Grimes, 1959

PHRASAL PITCH ACCENT
(Examples)
 ○ Most interestingly in this study of Japanese (Japonic; Japan), together with the duration results of three-syllable words, C3 (the third consonant of the test word) of the final-accented (P3) condition is found to be both the fastest and the longest gesture, which is characteristic of phrasal pitch accent in stress languages. No interaction effects between phrasal position and pitch accent position were found in two- or three-syllable words. | Karen Tsai and Argyro Katsika, 2020
 ○ The second strategy for constructing polar questions in Fa D'Ambô (Portuguese-based Creole; Equatorial Guinea) is the stress of the last phonetic mora of the final prosodic word of the utterance associated with an increasing intonation. It is here analyzed as a consequence of a phrasal pitch-accent linked to the last mora of the sentence. This final pitch-accent contributes to the increasing intonation found in these sentences. In this way, the accentuation pattern in the final mora is revealed when pre-final stress of a lexical item in declarative sentences is performed as final by the association of the phrasal pitch-accent (H*) on the right. | Ana Lívia Agostinho, Gabriel Antunes de Araujo, and Eduardo Ferreira dos Santos, 2019
 ○ It may be the case that languages that have been described or listed as word-level pitch accent systems may be phrasal pitch accent systems. | Harry van der Hulst, 2011
 ○ I focus on the intonational system of the Bizkaian dialect [of Basque (isolate; Spain)] spoken in Lekeitio, a coastal town located in northeastern Biscay. In this dialect, tones are grouped in intonational units of different levels in a prosodic hierarchy, in a fashion similar to that of Japanese (cf. Beckman and Pierrehumbert 1986, Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988). First, there is a lexical pitch accent, of the shape H*+L, which is a property of the word level, i.e., it is assigned at the word level in the phonological representation. At a higher prosodic level, where words can be grouped, we find the accentual phrase, characterized by an initial %L boundary tone and a lexical or phrasal pitch accent (H*+L). These accentual phrases can be grouped into higher levels of prosodic structure, which we call intermediate phrases. These are the domains where downstep or catathesis applies. | Gorka Elordieta, 1998

PHRASAL VERB CONSTRUCTION

1. (Grammar) Among multi-word expressions, phrasal verbs (PVs) are one of the most prolific, productive and elusive structures. Broadly, PVs form multi-word structures by combining a lexical verb and an adverbial particle, as illustrated in (1-3). (1) illustrates an intransitive (henceforth [V Prt]) use of the PV break down, and (2) and (3) illustrate transitive uses of bring up and turn on. In the case of bring up, the verb is used in a verb-particle-object ([V Prt Obj]) structure and in the case of turn on the verb is used in a verb-object-particle ([V Obj Prt]) structure.
   1. I just broke down in tears when I saw the letter.
   2. I ventured to bring up the subject of the future.
   3. The warden said that she would turn the heating on.
   
    Semantically, it is generally accepted that PVs represent single semantic units. For instance, Biber et al. (1999 / 2021) observes that PVs "can be classified by semantic domain, based on their core meanings, using the same categories as simple lexical verbs" such as activity, mental, communication or aspectual. Further, PVs can convey idiomatic meanings that cannot be recovered bottom-up (Alejo Gonzáles 2010, e.g. bring up in the sense of 'raise'). However, despite having an overall meaning, PVs can also retain, to a certain extent, the meaning of their components (cf. Jackendoff 1997, Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman 1999, Armstrong 2004). For instance, in the case of semi-idiomatic PVs, the verb word keeps its meaning while the meaning of the particle is less easy to isolate (Quirk et al. 1985, e.g. slacken off, cut up) and in the case of nonidiomatic PVs, the individual meanings of the components remain apparent (e.g. bring in, walk up, take out). Further, PVs can be interpreted differently depending on their context of use: For instance, bring up can be fully compositional in the sense of 'carry something up the stairs' and metaphorical in the sense of 'raise (a topic)'.
    In the usage-based tradition, PVs are constructions like all other constructions, i.e. "conventionalized pairings of form and function" (Goldberg 2006) which, cognitively, can be seen as mental patterns as they represent regularities that speakers can extract from a number of analogical usage events (Cappelle 2009). | Sandra C. Deshors, 2016
2. (Construction Grammar) A constructional approach distinguishes between three levels of analysis:
   1. i. The higher level of the phrasal verb "superconstruction".
      ii. The intermediate level of the structural patterns [V Prt], [V Prt OBJ] and [V OBJ Prt].
      iii. The lower level of lexically specified phrasal verbs.
   
    The phrasal verb is a structure which corresponds to a construction in the traditional sense of the word. Formally, this "superconstruction" is characterized by the presence of a verb followed (directly or not) by a particle, as well as some other common features including a higher degree of stress on the particle than on the verb and the impossibility for an adverb functioning as adjunct to be inserted between the verb and the particle (to be contrasted with the behavior of prepositional verbs, cf. Quirk et al. 1985).
    Semantically, the verb and the particle form a single unit of sense in which the particle modifies or completes the meaning of the verb. The conventionalized pairing of these form and meaning poles is what lies at the heart of the phrasal verb construction (PV). PVs subsume three different patterns:
   2. i.  [V Prt] (intransitive phrasal verb).
      ii.  [V Prt OBJ] (transitive phrasal verb with an object following the particle).
      iii. [V OBJ Prt] (transitive phrasal verb with an object preceding the particle).
   
    To these two levels—the "superconstruction" and the structural patterns—we can add the lower level of specificity recognized by Hampe (2012), that of the individual, lexically specified phrasal verbs. Taken together, these different levels constitute a network of constructions which are all related to one another and in which each construction is an instantiation of the schema above it (see, e.g., Croft and Cruse 2004 on taxonomic networks of constructions). | Gaëtanelle Gilquin, 2015
3. (Examples)
    ○ Data analysis enabled the researcher to provide a list of the most productive lexical verbs and adverbial particles (APs) forming verb + particle constructions in the Corpus of EU English (CEUE). A total of 130 lexical verb-types and 14 particles were identified in a total of 1,031 phrasal verb constructions. Considering the overall size of the corpus (about 200,000 tokens), this means one phrasal verb construction appeared in approximately every 200 words of text.
    From the top 50 lexical verbs in the CEUE, eleven items, namely BASE, BRING, CALL, GO, MAKE, OPEN, PUT, REPORT, SET, TAKE and WORK frequently appeared in phrasal verb constructions; moreover, some of them combined with the largest number of adverbial particles. For example, the verb TAKE combined with 8 different particles in the CEUE to form phrasal verbs such as TAKE AWAY, TAKE BACK, TAKE FORWARD, TAKE OFF, TAKE ON, TAKE OUT, TAKE OVER and TAKE UP. Interestingly, about half of the 25 most frequent phrasal verbs in the CEUE (e.g., SET, PUT, MAKE, FIND, TAKE, etc.) were among the 20 most frequent lexical verbs forming phrasal verb combinations in the British National Corpus (BNC Written). | Abdolvahed Zarifi and Jayakaran Mukundan, 2013
    ○ A simplified version of Cognitive Construction Grammar is used to analyze and categorize the phrasal verb constructions. The results indicate that separable and non-separable transitive English phrasal verbs are similar but different constructions with specific syntactic reasons for the incompatibility of the word order alternation with the non-separable verbs. | Anna L. Olson, 2013
    ○ The English phrasal verb construction displays complex syntactic distributions. This paper provides a lexical analysis on the construction with the assumption that transitive phrasal verbs are classified into two different types:
   1. A type with a predicative particle.
   2. The other type with a non-predicative idiomatic particle.
   
    With the supposition of a lexical rule that can switch the obliqueness of the particle and the direct object NP, the paper introduces the PRED and LEX features within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. | Chan Chung and Jong-Bok Kim, 2007

PHRASE INTERNAL MOVEMENT
(Examples)
 ○ Exploring the status of noun phrase internal movement in Italian:

N-to-D movement in Italian (cf. Longobardi 1994)
1. a. [_DP [_D la ] [_NP [_AP mia ] [_N Maria ] ] ]
   b. * [_DP [_D ∅ ] [_NP [_AP mia ] [_N Maria ] ] ]
   c. [_DP [_N-D Maria ]_i [_NP [_AP mia ] t_i ] ]

German
1. a. Je unverschämter man den Staatsrat angeht, desto gefügiger wird sein Sinn.
   b. Den Staatsrat_i, je unverschämter man den_i angeht, desto gefügiger wird sein Sinn.
     'The more brazenly one approaches the State Council, the more compliant its mind becomes.'

1. Închipuiți-vă numai: el vrea să-s̆i bată joc de un autor care într-un mod cam greoi imitează stilul francez de foiletoane [...] (Maiorescu T.)
   'Just imagine: he wants to make fun of an author who, in a rather clumsy way, imitates the French style of feuilletons.'

PHRASE STRUCTURE HYPOTHESIS FOR COMP
(Syntax)

The Phrase Structure Hypothesis for COMP (Bresnan 1972)
According to the phrase-structure hypothesis, complementizers are specified in deep structure by means of a phrase-structure rule. The rule for English would look like:

S̄ → COMP S
... that, WH (="Q"), and for

PHRASEOLOGICAL TEDDY BEAR

1. (Acquisition) Ringbom (1998) shows that the frequencies of individual word forms tend to differ between learners and native speakers of English, with learners having a tendency to overuse vocabulary items that have high frequencies in general corpora of English. The overuse can be related to a core vocabulary that the learners have acquired early and know well. Hasselgren (1994) compares such familiar lexical favorites to children's toys: "Stripped of the confidence and ease we take for granted in our first language flow, we regularly clutch for the words we feel safe with: our 'lexical teddy bears'."
    A hypothesis of the present study is that the same tendency will be visible in the use of lexical bundles: some bundles will seem familiar and unobjectionable to learners, who will resort to them frequently as their "phraseological teddy bears". This idea is not novel; Nesselhauf (2005) suggests that learners' occasional overuse of "certain native-speaker-like chunks" may partly result "from learners using some of them as lexical teddy bears". | Hilde Hasselgård, 2019
2. (Acquisition) L2 users seem to be less confident when writing in a foreign language, and as a result they "regularly clutch for the words [they] feel safe with" (Hasselgren 1994). Hasselgren uses the teddy bear metaphor to describe the situation in which L2 learners tend to overuse familiar words. She proposes that it is especially direct L1 transfer that gives rise to lexical teddy bears. Secondly, some teddy bears arise from perceived equivalence between L1 and L2. A third type of teddy bears is represented by expressions used in a context where native speakers would opt for another, synonymous expression. The metaphor of teddy bear was later transferred to multi-word expressions by Ellis (2012), who explains that phrasal teddy bears are formulaic expressions with routine functional purposes. Hasselgård (2019) labels these multi-word units as phraseological teddy bears and defines them as expressions which "learners use more frequently and in more contexts than native speakers do". She also explores their use in the context and points out for example that "the learners may have a tendency to over-express contrastive relations when the discourse moves from one topic to another". | Gabriela Brůhová and Kateřina Vašků, 2021

PHRASEOLOGISM

1. (Grammar) Phraseological combinations are such phrases in which there are words, both with free and associated usage, for example, in Uzbek (macrolanguage; Uzbekistan): qiyomatli doʼst 'true friend', tishini oqini koʼrsatmoq 'to smile'.
    In English, these three types include the following phraseological units.
   1. Phraseological adhesions have the greatest cohesion of components that lose their lexical meaning, which is absorbed by the meaning of the entire phraseologism. These units, such as spik and span, to cut off with a shilling, to talk through one's hat, make up the most common group.
   2. Phraseological units make up a larger group. They differ in terms of their mobility, and their meaning is determined by the meaning of their components. Such phraseological units can include the following examples: to take (lay) hold of, as busy as a bee, to draw the line.
   3. Phraseological combinations differ from the units in that one of the constituent components is used in its direct meaning. Combinations make up the most numerous group. These include expressions such as to strike (to deal, to inflict) a blow, to break a promise (an agreement, a rule). The components of phraseological combinations are more independent than with adhesions.
   
    | Berdiev Sharif Jizzakh, 2020
2. (Grammar) Phraseology is a unique treasure of any language. Being highly informative language units, phraseologisms / idioms, constant combination of words with holistic meaning, reflect the history of people, the uniqueness of people's culture, the events which once happened. As a result, the question of phraseologism / idiom translation into other languages is of particular importance in the science and practice of translation. Moreover, there is a tendency to use phraseologisms not only in belles-lettres but in technical texts, as well. | Begali Khudoymurodovich Jumaev, 2021
3. (Grammar) Phraseological units have socio-cultural significance and are a language tool that shows the general image of the society, way of life, customs. In linguistics, phraseology appears as a lexical layer that reflects the language's incomparable wealth, unlimited possibilities, and its specific historical-developmental stages. It is the most freely used level of vocabulary, and its basis goes back to the oldest folk oral works (Ashurov and Shukurova 2020).
    Phraseological units in their semantics reflect the long-term cultural development processes of the people, record the knowledge of that people, as well as language and speech patterns, and transmit them from generation to generation. Buslaev calls phraseologisms a kind of microcosm. They reflect the moral rules and common sense left by the ancestors to the next generations in the form of short and concise phrases. Phraseologisms are considered the heart of any national language, and the spirit and identity of the nation are uniquely expressed in them (Buslaev 1954). For this reason, almost all phraseology has a trace of national culture.
    Phraseologism is a unit related to language and speech as a linguistic phenomenon. A linguistic unit consisting of the combination of more than one independent lexeme and having a figurative and spiritual nature is called a phraseologism. In the Uzbek language, phraseologism is also referred to as phrase, phraseological unit, stable compound, phraseological compound (Sayfullaeva 2009). | Primova Munisa Majlim qizi, 2023
    ○ The number in the second column denotes the position of the phrase in the list "100 best-known Estonian phrases", compiled by Arvo Krikmann (1994). The third column of the table shows the consolidated number of affirmative responses, i.e. the total number of respondents from both schools who knew the particular expression.

   Phraseologisms, According to the Level of Respondents' Knowledge

   teeb sääsest elevandi (lit. 'makes an elephant out of a mosquito')	52.	147
   ei lausu musta ega valget (lit. 'doesn't say black or white')		137
   süda kukkus saapasäärde (lit. 'the heart fell in the bootleg')	95.	131
   elavad nagu koer ja kass (lit. 'they live like a cat and dog')	99.	127
   nüüd on vesi ahjus (lit. 'now there is water in the stove')	13.	117
   vaatab läbi sõormede (lit. 'looks through the fingers')		114
   ei näe sõrmegi suhu pista (lit. 'can't see enough to put a finger in the mouth')		109
   käib nagu kass ümber palava pudru (lit. 'walks like a cat around hot porridge')	31.	102
   nagu juudi jõulupuu (lit. 'like a Jew's Christmas tree')		102
   hunt lambanahas (lit. 'a wolf in sheepskin')		100

    | Anneli Baran, 2011

PHRASEOLOGY

1. (Grammar) The study of phraseological units of the language, as the branch of linguistics appeared in the 1940s. The object of phraseology is phraseological units, their nature, and the way they function in speech. However, there is a problem of terminology in linguistics connected with phraseology, since there are the following terms which are used in this branch of linguistics:
   • Set expression or word-equivalent.
   • Idiom.
   • Set phrase.
   • Fixed word-groups.
   • Phraseological combinations.
   • Phraseological fusions.
   • Phraseological unit.
   
    The above-mentioned terms are used by scholars differently, and sometimes they express one and the same notion. | Kamala Vasif Guliyeva, 2016
2. (Grammar) While the notion of phraseology is very widespread, just as with other linguistic concepts, different authors have defined it differently, sometimes not providing a clear-cut definition, or conflating several terms that many scholars prefer to distinguish. However, a closer comparative look at the vast majority of studies that exist allows us to identify a set of parameters that are typically implicated in phraseological research. I believe a rigorous definition of co-occurrence phenomena in general, and phraseology in particular, needs to take a stand regarding at least the following six parameters (cf. Howarth 1998 for a similar critique of the absence of defining criteria and an alternative proposal).
   1.  The nature of the elements involved in a phraseologism.
   2.  The number of elements involved in a phraseologism.
   3.  The number of times an expression must be observed before it counts as a phraseologism.
   4.  The permissible distance between the elements involved in a phraseologism.
   5.  The degree of lexical and syntactic flexibility of the elements involved.
   6.  The role that semantic unity and semantic non-compositionality / non-predictability play in the definition.
   
    | Stefan Th. Gries, 2008

PHYLOGENETICS

1. (Diachronic) Linguistic phylogenetics incorporates the whole approach of the phylogenetic comparative method—using language phylogenies as the historical backbone to quantitative models of language change in order to test hypotheses about human dispersals, processes of cultural change, and the evolution of other linguistic subsystems. In this sense phylogenetic linguistics is broader in its ambitions than historical linguistics: historical linguistics seeks to illuminate the history of languages, and only secondarily seeks to say something about the speakers of those languages. | Michael Dunn, 2013
2. (Example)
    ○ A brief Science paper (Dunn et al. 2005) outlined the possibilities of using computational phylogenetic methods applied purely to structural properties of languages, as opposed to lexical items, to extract likely patterns of ancient relatedness. In the current article we set out to explain those methods in more detail, show how they can be extended and refined, and push the analysis further to explore how a phylogenetic signal can be distinguished from relatedness through propinquity and possible contact. The whole approach here, though similar to that in McMahon and McMahon 2005, for example, has a number of special advantages: first, in not depending on vocabulary matches, it promises to extend the range of historical linguistics further back in time, and thus suggest deep-time relations between independent well-established language families as well as connections between known families and languages currently considered isolates. Second, it promises to connect linguistic typology and historical linguistics—two fields that have pursued independent paths, even though typological patterns are bound to have at least a partially historical explanation. | Michael Dunn, Stephen C. Levinson, Eva Lindström, Ger Reesink, and Angela Terrill, 2008

PHYLOGENY

1. (Diachronic) The application of this general term in linguistics refers to the historical (or diachronic) development and decay of language in speech communities, or as represented in historical texts; also referred to as phylogenesis. Phylogenetic study contrasts with ontogeny, for the study of development in the individual, as carried on in language acquisition. | David Crystal, 2008

Π-GESTURE

1. (Prosody) The π-gesture model provides an account of the properties of prosodic boundaries. While various other conceptualizations of prosodic boundaries have been proposed, the π-gesture model is discussed here because it clearly defines prosodic boundaries. Furthermore, it has explicit temporal properties and allows the examination of the coordination of prosodic events. Finally, the model allows for a structurally more gradient prosodic hierarchy, which is in line with experimental evidence.
    The π-gesture model has been developed within the Articulatory Phonology framework, where the basic phonological unit is a gesture, which specifies a constriction target as its goal (e.g. for alveolar consonants, a tongue tip constriction constitutes the constriction target). Gestures in Articulatory Phonology are both units of information, specifying lexical contrast, and units of action, with specified temporal and spatial information. That is, gestures are lexical units parametrized both phonetically and phonologically, such that there is no need for a translational component that traditionally might be posited as mediating between phonology and phonetics. | Jelena Krivokapić, 2014
2. (Prosody) Byrd, Kaun, Narayanan, and Saltzman (2000) and Byrd (2000) described a conceptual approach to boundary-adjacent slowing. They proposed that phrase boundaries are instantiated by a pi-gesture (or prosodic-gesture), which functions to slow all simultaneously active constriction gestures in proportion to the activation level of the pi-gesture. Like articulatory gestures, which have durational properties and are temporally coordinated and can overlap with other gestures, pi-gestures also have durations and overlap with vocal tract constriction gestures.
    These studies show that when speech is discretely divided into a pattern of dynamically controlled actions, each of which achieves a goal defined in an abstract task space, then it is clear that the ensemble of actions exhibits systematic slowing in proximity to prosodic boundaries. In addition, the kinematics of this slowing can be accurately modeled by modulation gestures whose goal is to slow down the (internal) clock used to activate the production of actions. | Martha E. Tyrone, Hosung Nam, Elliot Saltzman, Gaurav Mathur, and Louis Goldstein, 2010
3. (Example)
    ○ Prosodic boundary gestures or pi-gestures (Byrd and Saltzman 2003) have been introduced to model the local slowing or lengthening of articulatory gestures in the vicinity of phrase boundaries. Computational modeling of articulatory dynamics is an important tool in assessing the predicted effects of pi-gestures of varying boundary strength on constriction gestures in varying contexts. We simulate pi-gestures within the TaDA task dynamics computational model (Nam and Kim 2004) and examine how functional data analysis can provide a tool for connecting articulatory lengthening with underlying pi-gesture activation strength. Specifically, the model is applied to the articulatory synthesis of two sequences: [CV#CV] and [CVC#CV], where C is bilabial or alveolar. The pi-gesture's midpoint is coordinated synchronously with the midpoint of following consonant's constriction gesture, and pi-gesture activation strength and duration are manipulated. Results indicate that pi-gesture activation strength has a much stronger effect on slowing than its duration. The slowing effect is asymmetrical, skewed earlier than the midpoint in the pi-gesture interval. After removing linear-time slowing effect (i.e., after length normalization), the slowing effect is slightly stronger in [CV#CV] than in [CVC#CV]. The strength of pi-gesture also affects spatial articulatory characteristics depending on constriction location and sequential context. | Sungbok Lee, Benjamin Parrell, and Dani Byrd, 2009

PIED-PIPING

1. (Syntax) The term pied-piping is used by linguists to refer to structures where a movement operation applies to a constituent that is in some sense "larger than expected". More precisely, pied-piping occurs when a movement operation that usually targets expressions of a particular type (e.g. wh-words) instead targets a phrase that contains an expression of that type. Pied-piping structures have long been a deep and difficult puzzle for formal syntactic theory. | Seth Cable, 2012
2. (Syntax) The notion of pied-piping has been an integral part of all versions of the theory of generative grammar that assume transformational movements since it was first introduced by Ross (1967). The term itself—attributed by Ross to Robin Lakoff—refers to the phenomenon whereby some particular movement operation T, designated to displace an element A, in fact displaces additional elements together with A. More specifically, pied-piping is involved when an application of T ends up moving some constituent B that properly contains A. Ross' Pied-Piping Convention was originally meant, for instance, to extend the application of the Relative Clause Formation transformation, so that it is able to move more than just the NP immediately dominating the relative pronoun in cases such as shown in (1)–(5), where (2), (3), and (4) represent, according to Ross (1986), instances of pied-piping by the relative wh-pronoun.
   1.  reports which the government prescribes the height of the lettering on ...
   2.  reports the covers of which the government prescribes the height of the lettering on ...
   3.  reports the lettering on the covers of which the government prescribes the height of ...
   4.  the boy whose guardian's employer we elected president
   5.  * the boy whose we elected guardian's employer president
   
    From their inception until now the existence of pied-piping effects has uniformly been assumed in the literature, and the assumed pied-piping mechanism has provided a useful descriptive tool. | Julia Horvath, 2006
3. (Syntax) The phenomenon that when a wh-phrase is moved, it can optionally "drag along" a larger NP or PP in which it is contained.
    E.g., next to (1a), the examples (1b) and (1c) are also possible:
   1. a. This is the book [ _NP which ] I have designed [ _NP the covers [ _PP of t ] ]
      b. This is the book [ _PP of which ] I have designed [ _NP the covers t ]
      c. This is the book [ _NP the covers of which ] I have designed t
   
    In some cases, pied-piping is obligatory, due to the Left Branch Condition. (Ross 1967) | Utrecht Lexicon of Linguistics, 2001
4. (Syntax) The phenomenon of pied piping is well known to linguists, and various analyses have been proposed to account for it. Ross (1967) formulates the Pied Piping Convention so that relative clauses such as those in (1) may be derived.
   1. a. This is [_NP the box in which the money was hidden.]
      b. [_NP The plane, pieces of which were scattered around the field,] had crashed during the thunderstorm.
   
    In effect, the Pied Piping Convention gives the rule of Wh Movement the option of fronting either the wh-word or any NP or PP dominating the wh-word. In (1a) a PP, [_PP in which], has been fronted, and in (1b) an NP, [_NP pieces of which], has been fronted.
    Subsequent analyses of pied piping (for example, Chomsky 1973, Bresnan 1976) have made the introduction of a convention unnecessary, in that pied piping is postulated to follow from other, more general, processes and conditions. These analyses do, however, have the same general effect as Ross's Pied Piping Convention: they permit Wh Movement to apply to an NP or PP dominating a wh-word. | Debbie L. Nanni and Justine T. Stillings, 1978
5. (Examples)
    ○ The Word Grammar framework combines cognitive linguistics with dependency grammar, so it assumes that the full power of domain-general cognition is available for syntax, and that syntactic structure can be conceived as a network of relations between individual words. In this network, words are related by at least two kinds of link: dependencies and landmark links that determine word order. To handle the special characteristics of pied-piping, the analysis also includes a single special relation, pipee, which links the piper (the wh-type word) to the word which replaces it in the landmark structure. The analysis is applied in detail to English, and then compared with previous analyses and extended to accommodate both the pied-piping with inversion found in Meso-American languages, and the boundary markers found in other languages. | Richard Hudson, 2017
    ○ Under my analysis, Predicate-Topic order in Malagasy (macrolanguage; Madagascar) is derived through pied-piping of the Predicate to the specifier of a functional category in COMP, located above the surface position of the Topic.
    Cross-linguistic word order variation can be accounted for without assuming a directionality parameter on phrase structure, if we assume that large XP constituents can undergo "heavy" pied-piping to the specifiers of functional projections (Nkemnji 1995 offers a recent example of this approach to word order). | Matthew Pearson, 1997
    ○ Even wh-elements within pied piped constituents must reorder so that they are "closer" to [Spec,C] than they would have been without reordering. | Judith Aissen, 1996

PILLAI SCORE

1. (Phonetics) Hay et al. (2006) introduced a method for estimating the extent of overlap between vowel categories which they referred to as the Pillai score. They used this method in their analysis of NEAR and SQUARE in New Zealand English. Kennedy (2006) subsequently used it to examine CAUGHT and FOOT before /l/ in New Zealand English. Hall-Lew (2009) and Wong and Hall-Lew (2014) used it for analyzing COT and CAUGHT in San Francisco and New York City. The Pillai score, formally known as the Pillai-Bartlett trace, is simply a statistic that is part of the output of a MANOVA model. Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) is a type of ANOVA that models variation with respect to more than one dependent variable simultaneously, such as both F1 and F2. The higher the value of the Pillai statistic, the greater the difference between the two distributions with respect to these dependent variables. Each model also provides a measure of statistical significance, with a p value generated for each Pillai statistic that indicates whether the difference between clusters is significant.
    The Pillai does not represent distance so much as a more abstracted difference: Pillai score values range from 0 to 1 in all cases, with 0 indicating no difference between two clusters and 1 indicating no similarity. The Pillai score is directly drawn from a procedure that models F1 and F2 variation simultaneously—a feature which may be desirable or not. Although the set range of Pillai scores from 0 to 1 is useful for comparison across speakers (within a corpus), the Pillai values are not expressed in units that are easy to interpret. Linguists are more likely to prefer measures that represent the difference between two acoustic categories in perceptually meaningful terms, such as Hertz. | Jennifer Nycz and Lauren Hall-Lew, 2013
2. (Phonetics) The Pillai-Bartlett trace, often called the Pillai score or occasionally just Pillai in linguistics studies, ultimately comes from Pillai (1955) and Bartlett (1939). In the simplest model, which predicts two dependent variables (e.g., F1 and F2) using a single two-level categorical variable (e.g., /ɑ/ and /ɔ/), it returns a value that ranges between 0 and 1, with smaller values occurring when there is greater overlap between the two groups in multivariate space, and larger numbers for less overlap. In other words, small Pillai scores suggest a vowel merger. In reality, determining whether a merger is present is not quite as simple as merely observing overlap. Two vowels may occupy the same F1-F2 space but the distinction between phonemes may be maintained through some other cue like voice quality (Di Paolo and Faber 1990), duration (Labov and Baranowski 2006), or vowel trajectory (Stanley 2020). | Joseph A. Stanley and Betsy Sneller, 2023
3. (Phonetics) The Pillai-Bartlett statistic (shortened to Pillai score by Hay et al. (2006) is an output of a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) that indicates a degree of distinction between distributions while taking into account two or more dependent variables simultaneously. Pillai scores range from 0 to 1 with lower scores indicating greater similarity between distributions. They have been used in studies of both mergers and shifts (e.g., Hall-Lew 2009, Hay et al. 2006) and have been found to model the degree of overlap or distinction better than other methods due to their ability to account for multiple dimensions, skewed distributions, unequal densities, and sparse data (Hall-Lew 2010, Kelley and Tucker 2020, Nycz and Hall-Lew 2013). | Valerie Freeman, 2023

PITCH ACCENT

1. (Prosody) A term used in the description of languages in which the distribution of the tones within a word is totally predictable once one has specified a particular tonal feature of the word (as in Japanese). The notion has also been applied to English, where some phonological models analyze intonation contours as a sequence of one or more pitch accents, each associated with a stress-prominent syllable in a word. | David Crystal, 2008
2. (Prosody) Or, tonal accent. A distinction is made between stress accent and pitch accent. Stress accent refers to variation in loudness, while pitch accent refers to variation in musical pitch (frequency). English or German has stress accent. Japanese has only pitch accent, with an accent of rising pitch and another of falling pitch. | Wolfgang Hadamitzky and Mark Spahn, 2008
3. (Prosody) Having given up the more usual definition of "stress", I think it is wise, because of associations, to give up the term also. From this point on I shall therefore refer not to stress but to pitch accent, or simply accent, meaning prominence due to the configuration of pitches. | Dwight L. Bolinger, 1958
4. (Example)
    ○ The empirical evidence presented suggests that listeners are sensitive to a variety of factors that may affect the focus projection ability of pitch accents, that is the ability of a pitch accent on one word to mark focus on a larger constituent. The findings suggest that listeners' interpretation of focus structure is most sensitive to the presence or absence of a pitch accent on a focused constituent and the deaccenting of following unfocused material (pitch accent position). Preliminary evidence suggests that the status of a pitch accent as nuclear or prenuclear may also affect listeners' interpretations, though to a lesser extent than accent position. Finally, the results show that focus projection is affected only minimally, if at all, by the type of pitch accent (at least for the two accent types compared, H* vs. L+H*). | Pauline Welby, 2003
    ○ English and German differ in the realization of phrase-final rising and falling pitch accents when accents are associated with segmental material which offers successively less scope for voicing. English "compresses" rises and falls; both contours become steeper in order to complete the rise or fall in a shorter time span. German, on the other hand, truncates falling accents; falls do not become steeper, but simply end earlier. Rising accents, however, are compressed, just as in English. Within an autosegmental-metrical framework, the evidence may be interpreted as reflecting a case of two languages sharing a common inventory of phonological specifications but differing in the way these specifications are realized in F₀. | Esther Grabe, 1998

PITCH EXCURSION

1. (Phonetics) A deviation in pitch, for example in the syllables of enthusiastic speech. | Wiktionary, 2023
2. (Examples)
    ○ This paper is concerned with realizational differences of intonation, i.e. a different phonetic implementation of an identical phonological category (Ladd 1996 / 2008). In particular, we are concerned with two aspects of realizational differences, tonal alignment and pitch excursion. The aim of this paper is to propose a two-dimensional model of pitch accent realization, where both the horizontal (alignment) as well as the vertical level (excursion) of pitch implementation play an important role in characterizing a certain pitch accent category and establishing cross-dialectal differences. | Frank Kügler, 2009
    ○ This paper seeks to empirically confirm these impressionistic judgments about Chickasaw question intonation through quantitative investigation of the timing and scaling of the terminal pitch excursion. | Matthew Gordon, 2008
    ○ Increases in the effort expended on speech production will lead to greater articulatory precision, but also a wider excursion of the pitch movement. | Carlos Gussenhoven, 2002
    ○ While the experiments by 't Hart (1981) placed the issue of discriminability of F₀ differences in a linguistic context, the listeners' task remained non-linguistic in the sense that they had to decide which item of a stimulus pair contained the larger pitch movement. Linguistically, the size of accent-lending F₀ excursions would in general appear to correlate with the prominence of the accent. Accordingly, in our experiment, we decided to put 't Hart's claim that differences of less than 3.0 semitones (ST) do not play a role in speech to the test in a linguistically oriented task: one which required judges to decide which of two accents that varied in F₀ excursion size was more prominent, choosing 1.5 ST as our smallest interval. As is well known, the relation between prominence and F₀ excursion is confounded by overall intonation features. As Breckenridge and Liberman (1977) and Pierrehumbert (1979) have shown, the prominence impression of F₀ excursions is a function of the serial position of the accent, later accents requiring smaller excursions than earlier ones, an effect which is generally attributed to declination (cf. Cohen, Collier and 't Hart 1982).
    A separate, and arguably more important issue in the relation between differences in perceived prominence and F₀ excursion size differences is that of the measure in which F₀ differences should be expressed for the purposes of linguistic description. Some authors, e.g. Pierrehumbert (1979), Ladd (1983), and Liberman and Pierrehumbert (1984) present their data in Hertz, others, e.g. 't Hart and Collier (1975), Thorsen (1980), and 't Hart (1981) in ST. Expression of F₀ data in ST would seem to do justice to the perception of pitch intervals: a jump from 150 to 300 Hz is, musically, equal to one from 100 to 200 Hz. On the other hand, there are also indications that a given semitone interval in a low frequency range does not have the same perceptual effect as the same interval (expressed in ST) in a higher frequency range. In a pilot study on the perceptual effect of F₀ movements superimposed on a steeply descending baseline carried out by the first author, it was found that early movements created a stronger prominence impression than later movements with the same excursion in ST. Perhaps Stevens' remarks (1975) are relevant here:

   ... all musical intervals grow subjectively larger as frequency increases up to about four octaves above middle C. In other words, throughout the whole of what is usually called the musical range, intervals made up of equal frequency ratios (i.e. musical intervals) increase in perceived pitch extent with increasing frequency ... it is often thought that the musical scale based on frequency ratios is somehow a subjective scale. It is not.

    | A.C.M. Rietveld and C. Gussenhoven, 1985

PITCH HEIGHT

1. (Acoustics) Pitch is a multidimensional perceptual attribute that plays an important role in speech, language and hearing. One salient dimension of pitch is pitch height, which orders pitch from low to high. Perceptually, pitch height is a continuous vertical dimension associated with the voice fundamental frequency (F0) of sound that varies directly with frequency, and provides a basis for segregation of sound sources (Roffler and Butler 1968, Shepard 1982, Krumhansl 1990, Melara and Marks 1990). | Ananthanarayan Krishnan, Chandan H. Suresh, and Jackson T. Gandour, 2017
2. (Acoustics) Through stimulus-response compatibility we tested whether sound frequency (pitch height) elicits a mental spatial representation. | Elena Rusconi, Bonnie Kwan, Bruno Giordano, Carlo Umiltà, and Brian Butterworth, 2005
3. (Example)
    ○ The working hypothesis of the current study is that, if voice quality can affect pitch perception, manipulating the spectral slope of a voice should be able to shift listeners' perception of pitch height. | Jianjing Kuang and Mark Liberman, 2015
    ○ These results indicate that pitch contour and pitch height are two important dimensions in sensory processing of lexical tones. | Yiu-Kei Tsang, Shiwei Jia, Jian Huang, and Hsuan-Chih Chen, 2011
    ○ It is concluded that mothers use both pitch height and pitch range to introduce the preverbal infant to the difference between non-play and play situations, and they continue to use variations in pitch height to mark the same distinction after the children have become active participants in pretend play activities. | Nadja Reissland and David Snow, 1996

PITCH RANGE

1. (Phonetics) Refers to the upper and lower limits of a speaker's vocal pitch. | Pamela Rogerson-Revell, 2011
2. (Phonetics) In studying tone and intonation, it is very important to remember that each person has her or his own pitch range, so that what is high pitch for a person with a low-pitched voice may be the same as low pitch for a person with a high-pitched voice. Consequently, whatever we say about a speaker's use of pitch must be relative to that person's personal pitch range. Each of us has a highest and a lowest pitch level for speaking, though we may occasionally go outside that range when we are very emotional. | Peter Roach, 2011
3. (Phonetics) Pitch range has been defined as the difference between minimum and maximum f0 (Cosmides 1983). This data alone conveys no information about the distribution of f0 values within that range. | David Patterson, 2000
4. (Phonetics) The range of values between the highest and lowest F0 values in a given stretch of speech. In a higher pitch range, both the peaks and the troughs are higher than in a lower pitch range. | Scott Myers, 1996
5. (Example)
    ○ This study compares measures of pitch range in English sentences produced by native (American) English and non-native (Italian) English speakers. The factor "language" did not reach significance for level, span, or skewness, while "sentence type" was highly significant for all the variables under study. However, the data indicate that there may be differences in the two groups' productions as regards pitch range. The English sentences produced by the Italians have overall higher pitch levels and narrower ranges than those produced by the Americans. In addition, the Italians' pitch shows overall less variation than the Americans'. | M. Grazia Busà and Martina Urbani, 2011
    ○ Our results show that a pitch range model based on linguistic dimensions of variation better captures variation in listeners' judgements than the well established measures based on speakers' long-term distributional properties of f0, such as ±2sds mean, 95th-5th percentile and 90th-10th percentile. | David Patterson and D. Robert Ladd, 1999
    ○ It has been found that listeners' differing perceptions are significantly correlated both with the linguistic community in which the listener grew up and with the pitch range of the listener's spontaneous speaking voice. | Mark Dolson, 1994

PITCH REGISTER

1. (General) Pitch register has different meanings in different fields.
   • In speech pathology or speech science it is essentially the same as vocal mode, which is a term used on a discrete scale to describe laryngeal behavior (Perkins 1977). The mode or register permitting highest pitch is called falsetto, the mode with the lowest pitch is vocal fry and the mode in between modal register.
   • In the field of intonation, the term register is sometimes used to parameterize the distance between high (H) and low (L) tones (Connell and Ladd 1990 ), equivalent to the concept of tonal space (Ladd 1992 /2012).
   • Register has also been used to express the distance between H and L tones and the lowest F₀ value realized by a specific speaker (F_ref ). If both H and L tones are downstepped, the term register shift is used (Ladd 1992 /2012); such use implies that register is the distance between the whole contour and the reference frequency (i.e. the distance between the mean F₀ and F_ref ).
   • In a less technical context register is used to refer to the phenomenon of speaking up, in which both the L and H tones are raised, not necessarily to the same extent.
    | Toni Rietveld and Patricia Vermillion, 2003
2. (Examples)
    ○ In stress-accent languages such as English and Italian, the intermediate phrase (ip) is the domain of downstep and is delimited at its right edge by a phrase accent. Moreover, pitch register is reset after an ip boundary (hence ip-internal, recursive downstep is blocked). | Mariapaola D'Imperio and Amandine Michelas, 2010
    ○ Ladd proposes to characterize pitch register in terms of binary-branching trees which are similar to those proposed for African tone languages by Huang (1980) and Clements (1981), except that they are identical (aside from labels) to the metrical and / or syntactic structures that are needed for independent reasons. Each pair of sister nodes in a tree is labeled wither [h, l] or [l, h], and each new right branch labeled "l" lowers the register by one step. | D. Robert Ladd, 1990
    ○ As we argue below, part of the Hausa (Afro-Asiatic; Nigeria) question morpheme is a High tone added to a secondary register tier, which raises the value of the final primary Low.

   1.  Question Morpheme:   L   Primary tier
                            |
                            o   Tonal node tier
                            |
                            H   Register tier
      

    Register High tones trigger an upward shift in the entire pitch register for the primary tones affiliated with them, a proposal identical in spirit to that of Hyman (1985, 1986), who introduces into the phonological representation register Low tone as the method for handling the systematic lowering of the pitch register in which certain High tones—that is, downstepped Highs—are realized. | Sharon Inkelas and William R. Lebin, 1990

PITCH TRACK
(Examples)
 ○ Syllables, words, phrases and longer units cause variations in the amplitude of the speech signal, its amplitude modulation (AM), a phonetic correlate of the sonority curve postulated in some phonological models. The signal is demodulated by taking absolute values of the low-pass filtered signal. This AM envelope is then input into spectral analysis by FFT (Fast Fourier Transform) and the low frequency (LF) range of the spectrum is extracted, typically 0 to 5 Hz, where rhythm frequencies might be expected. The smoothed frequency modulation (FM) envelope (F0 estimation, pitch track), which conveys lexical tone, accentuation and intonation, is processed in the same way. | Rosemarie Tracy and Dafydd Gibson, 2023
 ○ Taking the original aural text as a starting point, the first step was to cut every single utterance with the program MP3 Cutter and introduce the audio files in the speech recognition software SFS/WASP (version 1.54), developed by Mark Huckvale (University College London), in order to obtain the waveform and pitch track of every voiced sentence. Even though this software was the tool used to analyze the pitch contour of the utterances under scrutiny, additional aural inspections were conducted by the researcher to double-check the accuracy of the findings. Double-checking is always advisable, since non-diegetic sounds and background noises might vary or alter the pitch track extracted from the speech analysis tool. | Sofía Sánchez-Mompeán, 2019
 ○ Our goal was to detect sentence stress. This task is simpler than detecting pitch accents at word, syllable and vowel level. It was important to automatically adapt the method to the speaker's pitch range and detect sentence stress with a high accuracy. As a result an intermediate pitch pattern is generated where the inappropriate stressed parts are eliminated. That can be fed to the rule-based prediction methods which transform the pitch track to the appropriate form of the sentence stress that corresponds to the grammatical rules of the language. | Péter Nagy and Géza Németh, 2016

PIVOT

1. (Syntax) In everyday English conversation, talk can be produced such that it is simultaneously a grammatical ending of what precedes it, and a beginning of what follows (e.g. that's what I'd like to have is a fresh one). A range of features of phonetic design (including pitch, loudness, duration, and articulatory characteristics) are shown to be deployed in systematic ways in order to handle the dual tasks of avoiding the signalling of transition relevance at the end of the pivot, and marking out the fittedness of the pivot to both what precedes and what follows. | Gareth Walker, 2007
2. (Syntax) The syntactic pivot is the verb argument around which sentences "revolve" in a given language. This usually means the following:
   • If the verb has more than zero arguments, then one argument is the syntactic pivot.
   • If the verb agrees with at least one of its arguments, then it agrees with the syntactic pivot.
   • In coordinated propositions, in languages where an argument can be left out, the omitted argument is the syntactic pivot.
   
    The first two characteristics have to do with simple morphosyntax, and from them, it is quite obvious the syntactic pivot in English (and most other European languages) is called the subject. An English verb cannot lack a subject (even in the imperative mood, the subject is implied to be you and is not ambiguous or unspecified) and cannot have just a direct object and no subject; and (at least in the present tense, and for the verb to be) it agrees partially with the subject.
    The third point deserves an explanation. Consider the following sentence:
   1.  I  shot the deer and ∅ killed it.
   
    There are two coordinated propositions, and the second proposition lacks an explicit subject, but since the subject is the syntactic pivot, the second proposition is assumed to have the same subject as the first one. One cannot do so with a direct object (in English). The result would be ungrammatical or have a different meaning:
   2. * I shot the deer and I killed ∅.
   
    The syntactic pivot is a feature of the morphosyntactic alignment of the language. | Wikipedia, 2026
3. (Acquisition) Recent studies of language development have focused attention on the early stages of emerging syntax—the use of two-word and three-word sentences sometime during the second half of the second year of life. A number of investigators have reported similar distributional phenomena in samples of early child speech. When children begin to use two words in juxtaposition there are often a small number of words that occur frequently, in relatively fixed position, in combination with a large number of other words, each of which occurs less frequently. Braine (1963) named this first group of words pivots; children's speech has since been described in the literature as pivotal, and an account of the systematic productivity of early utterances is often referred to in terms of pivot grammar. | Lois Bloom, 1971
4. (Example)
    ○ In Mandarin (Sino-Tibetan; China):
   (keneng)
   possibly

   shi
   COP

   [_PIVOT
    

   baobao
   baby

   ku-de ]
   cry-DE

   mama
   mom

   xing-le
   wake-PFV

   'It is (possibly) because of the baby crying that the mom woke up
   (# actually she didn't wake up).'

   
    | Boyan Yin, 2026

PIVOT ARGUMENT
(Examples)
 ○ I propose that if we examine closer the lexical properties of the Chinese attitudinal adverb daodi, we would find that its attitude needs to be ascribed to either the external speaker or the internal speaker when the derivation unfolds. This concept can be formalized as an unsaturated pivot argument in the semantics of daodi that is restricted by a pivot operator in the left periphery of Chinese phrase structure.

[[daodi]] = λQλx∃y. y is an attitude that is ascribed to x ∧ x holds y toward Q.

1.  Q represents the interrogative it occurs in.
2.  x represents the pivot argument to which the attitude carried by daodi is ascribed.

1. Actor Voice (AV)
   a.
    

   Cyux
   AUX

   p-hapuy
   AV.IRR-cook

   sehuy
   taro(ACC)

   sa
   DAT

   knobuy
   kitchen

   qu
   NOM

   Yuraw.
   Yuraw

     'Yuraw cooks taro in the kitchen.'
   Patient Voice (PV)
   b.
    

   Puy-un
   cook-PV

   na
   GEN

   Yuraw
   Yuraw

   qu
   NOM

   sehuy.
   taro

     'Yuraw cooked taro.'
   Locative Voice (LV)
   c.
    

   Hpuy-an
   cool-LV

   na
   GEN

   Yuraw
   Yuraw

   sehuy
   taro(ACC)

   qu
   NOM

   knobuy.
   kitchen

     'Yuraw cooks taro in the kitchen.'

PIVOT PARAMETER

1. (Discourse) The discourse (context) parameters we are using are as follows:
   • SOURCE: Represents the one who makes the report (e.g., the speaker).
   • ADDRESSEE: Represents the addressee of the report.
   • CURRENT: A list containing entities that are realized in the current sentence ordered according to their obliqueness.
   • CENTER: Represents the backward-looking center (Cb) of an utterance.
   • PIVOT: Represents the entity with the current point-of-view.
   
    PIVOT is as defined by Sells (1985) which represents the one from whose point-of-view the report is made. This discourse parameter was originally introduced by Kuno and Kaburagi (1975) to represent situations where the speaker identifies with the person who is represented by an NP in a sentence. Kuno and Kaburagi (1977) and Kuno (1987) use the term empathy perspective and represent this information through a binary comparison of varying degrees of empathy values. Since we will be keeping track of "where the view-point is" as a singleton parameter, we will be using the term PIVOT instead of empathy perspective. | Hideto Tomabechi, 1989
2. (Examples)
    ○ The algorithm compares two approaches when performing cross-lingual clustering:
   1. Global parameter. Using a global parameter for measuring distances between all language articles for cross-lingual clustering decisions.
   2. Pivot parameter. Using a pivot parameter, where the distances between every other language are only compared to English, and cross-lingual clustering decisions are made only based on this distance.
   
    | Erik Novak, 2021
    ○ We need to ask whether pivot constructions are a syntactic structure in themselves, and if so, what formal parameters are the decisive factors. | Hannes Scheutz, 2008

PIVOTAL CONSTRUCTION

1. (Syntax) Nowadays, most scholars agree with the term pivotal constituent to represent the Chinese syntactic term Jianyu, while the pivotal construction is the sentence with the construction of pivotal constituent. The pivotal construction is made up of a verb-object structure and a subject-predicate structure. There's no equivalent structure in English. So, when translated, the pivotal construction of the sentence is changed. Such a construction can be represented in a simple sentence in Chinese, but in English it could be a complex sentence.
   1.  Ta Qing Wo Lai.
       He asks me to come.
   
    In this sentence, me is the object of ask and also the logical subject of come. This structure is generally derived as N₁ + V₁ + N₂ + V₂, which is a typical derivation of a pivotal construction. N₁ is the subject of the sentence. V₁ + N₂ + V₂ is a pivotal constituent, in which V₁ + N₂ is a verb-object structure and N₂ + V₂ is a subject-predicate structure. These two structures are combined by N₂, the pivotal noun, and also called Jianyu in Chinese, which means an element undertaking two syntactic functions without any inflectional change of the word form. So, N₂ has two functions: the object of V₁, and subject of V₂. V₁ is the pivotal verb, governing N₂ and having little semantic relation with V₂. According to Cui and Sheng (1990), two aspects are the points of focus.
   1.  The causative meaning of V₁, which involves a certain object and makes the object behave in a certain way.
   2.  The logical cause-and-effect relationship between V₁ and V₂.
   
    In their paper, the study of this construction is the study of V₁ and V₂. There are also a lot of studies on pivotal constructions in Chinese academic circles. They focus mainly on the naming process, deep structure analysis, classification, and acquisition by foreign learners. | Zhiyan Hu, 2018
2. (Syntax) There is no generally accepted definition and typology of pivot constructions (Franck 1985, Hakulinen 1987, Hennoste 2001, Scheutz 2005, Norén 2007, Betz 2008, Norén and Linell 2013). If one scans the literature, however, a prototypical PC would be defined on the basis of the following seven features (Scheutz 2005, see also Norén 2007, Norén and Linell 2013):
   1.  It consists of three adjacent parts: pre-pivot, pivot, and post-pivot.
   2.  The pre-pivot + pivot and the pivot + post-pivot segments construct clausal units, but the first and the last parts are incoherent from a normative grammatical perspective.
   3.  The turn could be brought to a possible syntactic completion at the end of the pivot segment.
   4.  It includes two finite verbs (main predicate verbs or finite parts of composite verb forms) appearing in the pre-pivot and post-pivot.
   5.  The pivot between the verbs fulfills the same syntactic function in the pre-pivot and the post-pivot.
   6.  It is constructed as a prosodically coherent unit (without restarts) but there could be self-repairs and pauses in the PC.
   7.  There is semantic coherence between the pre-pivot and the post-pivot.
   
    In example (1) below, P is talking about computer problems with his brother. In this example the pre-pivot is ta ei võta 'it does not get', the post-pivot is ei võta ühendust 'does not get in touch', and the pivot is noh nende klientidega 'with these customers', which is an NP in the comitative case and an adverbial with regard to both verbs.
   1. P:
       

      vaata
      check-IMP

      kas
      whether

      ‵proksi
      proxy

      on:
      be-PRES-SG3

      oõigesti
      properly

      ‵konfitud,
      configure-PTCL

      sebärast
      because

         'check whether the proxy is properly configured because'
   2.  
       

      minu=arust
      in my opinion

      ta
      it

      ei
      NEG

      võta:
      get-NEG

      noh
      PRT

      nende
      these-GEN-PL

         'in my opinion it does not get in with these'
   3.  
       

      kli‵entidega
      customer-CMT-PL

      ei
      NEG

      võta
      get-NEG

      ‵ühendust.
      connection-NFV.

         'customers does not get in touch'
   
    There are different lexico-grammatical types of PCs and different researchers have used different typologies. | Tiit Hennoste, 2013
3. (Syntax) Generally, the pivotal construction can be abbreviated as

   [N.sub.1] + [V.sub.1] + [N.sub.2] + [V.sub.2]

   which is the same as in other syntactic constructions or sentence patterns: subject-predicate structure as the object construction, serial predicate construction, fused serial predicate and pivotal construction. | Zhiyan Hu, 2018
4. (Example)
    ○ Schegloff (1979) analyzes another example in a similar manner:
   1.  How many days? you go FIVE days a week. Right?
   
    You go is interpreted here as a pivot element: on the one hand, it belongs to the question how many days you go, and on the other hand, to the answer you go five days a week. The end of the projected question serves simutaneously as the beginning of the answer it elicits.
    A pivot construction consists of three adjacent parts:
   Spoken German
   2. [des
      that

      is]_A
      is

      [was
      something

      FURCHTbares]_B
      AWful

      [is
      is

      des]_C
      that

      'That's terrible.'
   
    The pivotal element B, which forms the center of this construction, is connected to the preceding as well as to the following syntactic constituents, the initial periphery A and final periphery C. Separately, the initial part A-B and the final part B-C are each grammatically correct, whereas A-B-C taken together results in an ungrammatical syntactic structure (according to normative grammar). The pivot element is a constituent of the so-called mid-field (i.e. the position after the finite verb in declarative sentences with XV-word order) in the initial part A-B and simultaneously constitutes the front-field (i.e. the sentence initial position before the finite verb) of the final part B-C. While the final part comprises a complete sentence in any case, the initial part represents either a syntactically complete sentence as in (2) or—most often—a syntactically incomplete structure, consisting of the front field, the finite verb and at least one additional syntactic constituent, cf. (3):
   S describes a medical treatment
   3. 01
       

      da
      there

      hat
      has

      er
      he

      ihm
      him

      milliMEterweis
      milliMEter by millimeter

         'A millimeter at a time,'

      02
       

      hat
      has

      er
      he

      ihm
      him

      einigstochen
      injected.

         'he injected him.'
   
    | Hannes Scheutz, 2005

PLANNING

1. (Psycholinguistics) Or, sentence planning, or, utterance planning. There is no real consensus on what has to be planned before an utterance.
    What people agree on is:
   • Speakers filter a message into a preverbal message.
   • The preverbal message is chunked into smaller units.
   • A formulator transforms conceptual information to syntactic objects.
   • An articulator maps the formulator outputs to the motor behavior.
   
    | Utku Turk, Ellan Lau, and Colin Phillips, 2024
2. (Psycholinguistics) During language production, speakers plan the message to be conveyed, select the lexical items and syntactic structure to convey that message, and then determine the sequence of phonological representations to be uttered. To the extent that speakers plan more than one word at a time before utterance initiation, such planning would be expected to draw on verbal working memory capacities. | Randi C. Martin, Hao Yan, and Tatiana T. Schnur, 2014
3. (Examples)
    ○ Whereas in the first half of the observation period the dysfluencies are distributed relatively randomly over sentences, in the second half they tend to concentrate in function words and sentence-initial words. The decline of dysfluency rate is shown to be related to an abundant use of a few syntactic frames. It is argued that these results reflect the emergence of a component in the speech production apparatus which is specifically dedicated to serial-order planning. | Frank Wijnen, 2009
    ○ The study investigated hesitations in the spontaneous speech and story continuations of university students. Hesitations occurred less often before "embedded" clause types than before "combined" clause types in both tasks. This finding suggests that embedded clauses are more likely to be planned ahead during the preceding clause than are combined clauses, which may be planned relatively independently of the prior clause.
    Also, for each functional clause type, boundaries before non-finite (deep structure) clauses contained hesitations just as often as did full finite (surface structure) clauses. It was concluded that deep structure clauses within surface structure clauses function as speech planning units, just as surface clauses themselves do. | V.M. Holmes, 1988

PLESIONYM

1. (Semantics) Or, near-synonymn. Plesionyms are words that are almost synonyms, but not quite.
    True synonymy is quite rare. It is limited mostly to technical terms (distichous, two-ranked; groundhog, woodchuck) and groups of words that differ only in collocational properties, or the like. More frequently, words that are close in meaning are plesionyms—not fully inter-substitutable but varying in their shades of denotation, connotation, implicature, emphasis, or register (DiMarco, Hirst, and Stede 1993/1995, adapting the definitions of Cruse 1986). For example, lie, falsehood, untruth, fib, and misrepresentation all mean a statement that does not conform to the truth. But a lie is a deliberate attempt to deceive that is a flat contradiction of the truth, whereas a misrepresentation may be more indirect, as by misplacement of emphasis, an untruth might be told merely out of ignorance, and a fib is deliberate but relatively trivial, possibly told to save one's own or another's face (Gove 1984). Moreover, fib is an informal, childish term, while falsehood is quite formal, and untruth can be used euphemistically to avoid some of the derogatory implications of some of the other terms (Gove 1984; compare Coleman and Kay 1981). The following table shows a few of the ways in which plesionyms may differ. Often, plesionyms will differ in several ways at once.

   Difference	Examples
   Denotation, coarse-grained	yawl, ketch
   Denotation, fine-grained	lie, fib
   Denotation, fuzzy	forest, woods
   Emphasis	foe, enemy
   Implicature	mislay, lose
   Formality	drunk, pissed
   Attitude of speaker	skinny, slim

    It can be difficult even for native speakers of a language to command the differences between plesionyms well enough to use them with invariable precision, or to articulate those differences even when they are known. Consequently, many reference books are published to help in that task. | Graeme Hirst, 1995
2. (Semantics) In its general sense, synonymy means the identity of meaning shared by two or more different forms in certain contexts (Palmer 1981). Cruse (1986) presents a detailed discussion about the concept of synonymy in which he develops what he calls "a scale of synonymity". In this scale, the idea of synonymy is classified into three classes according to the degree of synonymity depending on two criteria.
   1. a. A criterion relating to the idea of semantic identity: the lexical items are said to be synonymous when possessing, as much as possible, the same semantic traits.
      b. A criterion covering the degree of synonymity which describes synonymous words in such a way that some pairs of synonyms are "more synonymous" than other pairs: E.g., settee and sofa are more synonymous than die and kick the bucket which in turn are more synonymous than brainy and shrewd.
   
    As a result, Cruse classifies synonymy into three categories:
   2. a. Absolute synonymy which indicates a pair of lexical items with identical contextual relations.
      b. Cognitive synonymy (also called partial synonymy) referring to lexical items that have some contextual relations in common.
      c. Plesionym which refers to lexical items which are similar in meaning but are syntactically different.
   
    | Ahmed Sahib Mubarak, 2006

PLURACTIONALITY

1. (Grammar) As strictly defined, the morphological marking of event plurality on the verb. The term pluractional was coined by Newman (1980) to set apart morphemes that mark event plurality from inflectional plural agreement, that is, the marking of person on the verb. Newman used the term to describe the morphology and the meaning of some verbal morphemes of some African languages. In the descriptive linguistics literature, one finds other ways of describing the same phenomenon:
   1.  Distributive markers—in the tradition of the description of native American languages.
   2.  Verbal plurality—in Cusic's (1981) classical work Verbal Plurality and Aspect.
   
    In more recent analyses, the notion of pluractionality has departed from morphology to become more generally the notion of event plurality. | Ana Müller and Luciana Sanchez-Mendes, 2020
2. (Grammar) Pluractionality is meant to be the verbal analog of plurality in the nominal domain. So, for instance, just like English has an affix -s which derives the noun dogs from the noun dog, allowing it to be predicated of plural individuals, Yup'ik (Eskimo-Aleut; USA) has the postbase -taartuq, which derives verbs that denote pluralities of events that, individually, would satisfy the underived verb.
   Yup'ik (Jacobson 1984 / 2012)
   1. a. nere- 'to eat' ∼ nerqetaartuq 'he keeps eating at intervals'
      b. ayag- 'to leave' ∼ ayaketaartuq 'he is leaving, returning, then leaving again'
   
    We call such verb pluractional verbs, and the morphemes that derive them pluractionals or pluractional marking. What pluractionals do is make clear that a plurality of events are being discussed, and while additionally often making clear how this plurality of events is being individuated for counting (e.g., by taking place in different locations, or with different participants, etc.). | Robert Henderson, 2019
3. (Grammar) Or, verbal number. If not used in its aspectual sense, a grammatical aspect that indicates that the action or participants of a verb is, or are, plural. This differs from frequentative or iterative aspects in that the latter have no implication for the number of participants of the verb.
    Often a pluractional transitive verb indicates that the object is plural, whereas in a pluractional intransitive verb the subject is plural. This is sometimes taken as an element of ergativity in the language. However, the essence of pluractionality is that the action of the verb is plural, whether because several people perform the action, it is performed on several objects, or it is performed several times. The exact interpretation may depend on the semantics of the verb as well as the context in which it is used. The lack of verbal number does not generally mean that the action and participants are singular, but rather that there is no particularly notable plurality; thus it may be better described as paucal vs. multiple rather than singular vs. plural.
    Although English does not have verbal number as a grammatical device, many English verbs such as stampede and massacre are used when one of the participants involves a large number. English also has a number of verbs (often ending in -le, such as nibble) which indicate repetitive actions, and this is similar to some types of grammatically-marked pluractionality in other languages. | Wikipedia, 2024

PLURAL INDEFINITE
(Examples)
 ○ The Istriot (Indo-European; Croatia) quantifier uni / une is unique in the Italo-Romance domain since, generally, the plural indefinite forms derived from the Latin numeral 'one' are pronouns and never occur in attributive position (Loporcaro 2017). | Alberto Giudici and Chiara Zanini, 2021
 ○ I provide a decompositional analysis of three kinds of plural indefinites, in two related languages, European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese. The three indefinites studied are bare plurals, the unos (Spanish) / uns (Portuguese) type, and the algunos (Spanish) / alguns (Portuguese) type. | Luisa Martí, 2008
 ○ Since the end of the nineties the structure and meaning of Romance plural / mass indefinite nominals has been a matter of some debate (Chierchia 1998, Bosveld-De Smet 1998, 2004, Storto 2003, Roy 2001). Meaningwise, the determiners that introduce these nominals, degli and des in (1), behave as plural or mass indefinite articles, equivalent to the English some in some people / water. Morphologically, however, degli and des appear to be composed of the preposition di 'of' incorporated with the regular form of the definite article.

1. a. Italian
   Ho
   I.have

   incontrato
   met

   degli
   of.the

   studenti.
   students

   'I have met some students.'

   
   b. French

   J'ai
   I.have

   rencontré
   met

   des
   of.the

   étudiants.
   students

   'I have met some students.'

PLURAL SIDE

1. (Stratificational Grammar) The plural side of a node is the side, either the top or the bottom, to which more than one line is connected. For example, a downward OR node has one line connected to the top, which thus is called the singular side, and two or more lines connected to the bottom, the plural side. An upward AND node has two or more lines connected to the top, the plural side, and one connected to the bottom, the singular side. | Glottopedia, 2017
2. (Stratificational Grammar) AND nodes are represented with triangles, whereas OR nodes are represented with horizontal brackets. Each node has a singular and a plural side, determined by the number of nodes each side is connected to. The singular side of a node is the one possessing just one connecting line. The position of the plural side (the side linked to at least two other nodes) dictates the node's orientation: if the plural side faces upwards, then the node is upward; if the plural side faces downwards, then the node is downward. | Adolfo Marín García, 2015
3. (Stratificational Grammar) According to the vertical convention adopted in Stratificational Grammar, whereby meanings or functions are on the uppermost stratum and phonological expression is at the lowest one, each node can have an upward direction (leading from a given stratum to a higher one) or a downward direction (leading from a given stratum to a lower one). All nodes have both a plural and a singular side, determined by how many other nodes they can be connected to on each end. On the plural side, two or more lines either converge or branch out to receive or send activation from or to several other nodes; the singular side has only one line connecting the node with a single other node by which it can be activated. | Adolfo Martín García and José María Gil, 2009
4. (Stratificational Grammar) A typical SG node has a singular side (one terminal) and a plural side (two terminals). The node is bidirectional. In encoding, inputs are from the top, in decoding from the bottom. This is why behavioral definitions divide a bidirectional node into two unidirectional nodes. For either of these nodes, the output is defined as a function of the input(s). | Rüdiger Schreyer, 1980
5. (Examples)
    ○ Other internal lines connect the plural side of one node to the singular side of another, for example, a line connecting the plural side of an "upward AND" to the singular side of an "upward OR". | David C. Bennett, 2008
    ○ Implicit in most, if not all, definitions of the ordered AND is not only that the constituents on the plural side are temporally ordered, but also that they are temporally contiguous. | Lars Borin, 1988

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